Total Articles 231+

Water security

Covers India’s efforts to ensure sustainable water availability through conservation, efficient management, and protection of water resources.

Showing 12/16

14 Oct 2026

14 October 2026 | Kolkata, West Bengal Kolkata’s wastewater-reuse efforts show what is possible, but the real test is how much treated water reaches users reliably, safely and at a workable cost. Summary: Treated wastewater can reduce pressure on freshwater supplies, but a treatment plant’s capacity does not prove that its water is being reused. Public records point to reuse in Kolkata’s Sector V and the East Kolkata Wetlands, while gaps in published data make it difficult to assess actual volumes, costs and reliability. As West Bengal moves towards its 2030 reuse target, the question is whether the water is reaching users and delivering measurable benefits. If a City Can Treat Wastewater, What Stops It from Reusing More of It? A wastewater treatment plant may appear to offer a practical solution to water scarcity. It collects sewage, treats it and produces water that can be used for certain non-drinking purposes. But treatment is only one part of the process. What happens afterwards matters just as much. Does the treated water reach an actual user? Does it meet the required quality standards? Can the supply remain reliable without making the water too expensive? These questions are central to Kolkata’s water-security challenge. Reusing treated wastewater can reduce dependence on freshwater, but only when treatment, distribution and actual use work together. What Do Kolkata’s Records Reveal? One documented example comes from Sector V in Salt Lake, where the Nabadiganta Industrial Township Authority (NDITA) manages water and civic services. A report published by The Times of India on 13 November 2025 stated that treated wastewater from Sector V’s sewage treatment plants was being reused for gardening and road washing. The report also noted that NDITA received close to three million gallons of filtered water daily from Tala to supply the township. These are two separate water streams. The filtered water supplied from Tala should not be confused with the treated wastewater reused locally. The example establishes that treated-water reuse has been reported in a real urban setting. However, the publicly available report does not specify the daily volume of wastewater reused, its operating cost, the energy required for treatment and distribution, or the latest laboratory results. It therefore cannot, on its own, establish how efficiently the system operates or how much freshwater it saves. The wider picture in Kolkata is more complex. A Kolkata Municipal Corporation progress report for August 2025, submitted in a matter related to the National Green Tribunal, estimated that the city generated around 1,400 million litres of sewage per day (MLD). It reported that approximately 910 MLD received natural treatment through the East Kolkata Wetlands and was used for activities including pisciculture, mixed farming and animal husbandry. The report also listed five operational sewage treatment plants with a combined capacity of 179 MLD, while provisions for reusing their treated water were still under consideration. Kolkata’s District Environment Plan for 2025–26 also recorded 910 MLD associated with the East Kolkata Wetlands, 179 MLD of capacity across five existing treatment plants, and 311 MLD of untreated or partially treated sewage. These figures describe different parts of the city’s sewage system. They should not be interpreted as a current measurement of how much treated water is actually being reused by end users. The East Kolkata Wetlands are an important part of this story. They support fisheries and other livelihoods while naturally treating wastewater. However, this process is not identical to a conventional treatment plant supplying reclaimed water through a controlled distribution system. Both approaches have a role to play, but each must be assessed according to its own water-quality, environmental and operational requirements. West Bengal’s 2030 Target Raises the Stakes On 14 July 2026, West Bengal notified its State Policy on Safe Reuse of Treated Wastewater. The policy sets a target for at least 20% of the state’s overall industrial water requirement to be met through municipal wastewater by 2030. It also promotes reuse for non-drinking purposes in eligible residential developments, public buildings and commercial establishments. This is a future policy target, not a measure of current achievement. Meeting it will require more than increasing treatment capacity. Industries need a dependable supply that meets their quality requirements and fits their budgets. Treatment operators need sufficient funds for electricity, chemicals, testing, equipment and maintenance. Municipal authorities must also establish distribution systems that connect treatment plants with users who can consistently consume the reclaimed water. These priorities can come into conflict. Operators need to recover treatment and pumping costs, while buyers may be unwilling to pay more than they currently spend on water. Some industrial processes may require additional treatment before reclaimed water can be used. If the supply becomes unreliable or its quality fluctuates, users may hesitate to depend on it. Health and environmental safeguards are equally important. Water suitable for road washing or certain landscaping activities may not be appropriate for every industrial process or agricultural use. Treatment and testing must match the intended purpose. Reuse cannot be considered successful if it simply transfers pollution risks to workers, land or water bodies. The Numbers That Should Accompany Every Reuse Claim A credible assessment must distinguish between the volume a treatment plant is designed to handle, the volume it actually treats and the amount ultimately reused. A supply agreement is useful evidence, but it does not prove that the contracted volume is consistently delivered. Similarly, treatment records cannot establish how much freshwater has been displaced unless the end user’s consumption is also examined. What Is Known - and What Remains Unclear Investigation pointWhat the public record establishesSector V reusePublic reporting describes treated wastewater being reused for gardening and road washing.Daily reuse volumeNo verified daily reuse volume was established from the sources reviewed.Water qualityThe latest project-specific laboratory results were not available in the reviewed material.Electricity and operating costsNo verified project-level figures were located.Reliability and downtimeCurrent operating and interruption records were not established.Citywide contextKolkata’s 2025 records document sewage generation, treatment capacity and the role of the East Kolkata Wetlands, but do not provide a current, complete account of reuse across all facilities. This is the evidence gap that matters. A project can be operational while still lacking publicly accessible information about its performance. Without records of output, delivery, testing, costs and downtime, readers cannot independently assess whether a system is reliable or whether it achieves the expected freshwater savings. From Infrastructure to Water Security SustainVerse’s Kolkata summit, scheduled for 19–21 November 2026, includes water security, wastewater reuse and circular sanitation among its planned themes. The event offers an opportunity to move the discussion beyond announcements and towards measurable outcomes. A practical next step would be to publish regular performance records for each reuse project. These should include daily treated output, the volume supplied and reused, water-quality test results, downtime, electricity consumption, maintenance costs and the terms of supply agreements. Wherever possible, these figures should be cross-checked against delivery receipts and the user’s own consumption records. Kolkata already has examples of wastewater being put to use. The challenge is to establish how consistently these systems operate, what they cost and how much freshwater they actually replace. A treatment plant is an important starting point, but its existence alone does not guarantee water security. The real measure of success is whether treated water reaches users safely and reliably—and whether the evidence proves that it is being used. Sources: 1. Nabadiganta Industrial Township Authority (NDITA) — Official website and civic information. https://ndita.org/ 2. The Times of India, 13 November 2025 — “Sec V ranks 3rd in country in water conservation.” Reports NDITA’s water-management recognition and claimed reuse of treated wastewater for gardening and road washing. https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/kolkata/sec-v-ranks-3rd-in-country-in-water-conservation/articleshow/125284135.cms 3. National Mission for Clean Ganga / Kolkata Municipal Corporation, August 2025 — Monthly progress report in the National Green Tribunal-related matter OA No. 673 of 2018. Provides city sewage generation, East Kolkata Wetlands and STP capacity figures. https://udma.wb.gov.in/public/uploads/file_doc/mpr16oct25oa673.pdf 4. Kolkata Municipal Corporation — District Environment Plan 2025–26. Records sewage generation, treatment capacity and untreated or partially treated sewage estimates. https://www.kmcgov.in/KMCPortal/downloads/DISTRICT%20ENVIRONMNET%20PLAN%202025-26.pdf 5. Government of West Bengal, Department of Urban Development and Municipal Affairs — Official listing of the West Bengal State Policy on Safe Reuse of Treated Wastewater, notified 14 July 2026. https://udma.wb.gov.in/page/cms/ngt_policy_ae3077 6. The Times of India, 30 July 2026 — “State mandates wastewater recycle in condos, sets 20% industrial reuse target by 2030.” https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/kolkata/state-mandates-wastewater-recycle-in-condos-sets-20-industrial-reuse-target-by-2030/articleshow/132747241.cms 7. SustainVerse — SustainVerse Summit Series 2026 India. https://sustainverse.org/events-community/sv-summit-india ...Read more

12 Oct 2026

Oct 12,2026 Across rural India, women are protecting farms from droughts, unpredictable rainfall and rising agricultural costs. But the people keeping agriculture alive do not always control the land, credit or income that could make it more resilient. From women-led farming collectives to watershed development, their experiences suggest a critical gap between participation and financial power. If women are expected to secure the future of Indian agriculture, we must ask ourselves whether they have the resources to shape it. Summary:Rural women are central to India’s climate adaptation efforts, but land ownership, credit, technology, and market access barriers continue to diminish their financial independence. Drawing on Indian examples, this article explores women’s collectives, watershed programmes, and financial protection, and examines why participation cannot guarantee economic empowerment. Introduction: The missing link in climate-ready farming When we talk of climate-resilient agriculture, we tend to think of better seeds, water conservation, and changing farming practices. But we should also be asking a fundamental question do the women implementing these changes have control over the resources and income that would make them work? Across rural India, women sustain agricultural production while facing barriers to land, credit, and decision-making. Without financial agency, climate resilience will only be partial.  Who is keeping India’s farms climate-ready? Women are involved in every stage of agricultural production – sowing, transplanting, and harvesting, livestock management and post-harvest processing. In many rural households, they also preserve seeds, keep kitchen gardens, manage household food supplies, and collect water. For these women, the extra work associated with agriculture is amplified when droughts, floods and heat disrupt agricultural livelihoods. As climate patterns become less predictable, women often must adapt their work to changes in agriculture. A delayed monsoon may alter sowing schedules, while prolonged dryness may lengthen the time for obtaining water for household use and livestock. A crop failure can need reconsidering food expenditure, seek added employment and borrow to finance the next season. But we cannot automatically assume that a person doing agricultural work is a ‘farmer’ or has an equal say in agricultural decisions. Women may contribute their labour to family-owned land without their names appearing on land records or work as tenant cultivators or agricultural labourers. India’s Agriculture Census 2015–16 recorded approximately 20.4 million female operational holders, representing around 13.96% of all operational holders. These numbers are important, but they do not capture every woman contributing to agricultural production. We must distinguish between people officially recorded as operational holders and the many women whose labour sustains farming households. Recognition matters because official documentation can influence access to certain benefits, institutional credit, and support programmes. Eligibility varies across schemes, but women whose farming contributions are not formally recognised may face extra administrative hurdles. If we want to know who is keeping India’s farms climate-ready, we must look not only at the number of women taking part in agricultural activities, but at who makes decisions, controls productive assets, and receives the financial returns. Recognising women as farmers is therefore not only a question of representation, but of ensuring that their agricultural knowledge translates into greater security, influence, and economic independence. What stops women from controlling land, credit, and agricultural income? The barriers women face is interconnected. Limited land rights can affect access to finance, while restricted access to finance can prevent women from investing in climate-resilient practices. Even when women receive training, their ability to implement what they learn depends on decisions made by other household members. Land is one of the most key factors. Secure land rights can strengthen a woman’s ability to decide which crops to cultivate, invest in soil improvement and plan for future agricultural seasons. They may also help set up eligibility for government benefits or loans, depending on the applicable rules. But we should not assume that a land title automatically guarantees independence. A woman may legally own land but have limited control over the crops grown, the sale of produce, or the income generated. Similarly, tenant farmers may make day-to-day agricultural decisions while lacking the documents required to access some formal support mechanisms. Access to agricultural equipment is equally crucial. Tools for irrigation, processing, and storage can reduce labour and improve productivity, but their benefits depend on affordability, availability, and practical training. A woman may understand how a technology could help her farm, but she may not have the money or the authority to obtain it. Market access decides whether agricultural production translates into income. Farmers need reliable information about prices, buyers, transport costs, and demand. When women cannot negotiate directly with traders or access suitable storage and processing facilities, they may have fewer opportunities to secure favourable prices. Finally, we must examine who controls the money earned. A woman may contribute to cultivation, but another household member may manage the sale proceeds or decide how the income is spent. Increased agricultural productivity does not necessarily translate into greater financial independence for women. This is why we cannot measure empowerment by counting training sessions, loans distributed, and women enrolled in a programme. We must ask whether women can access resources independently, make meaningful decisions, and keep a fair share of the benefits generated by their work. Where are we seeing women-led climate resilience in India? India has examples of programmes and community institutions linking women’s participation to agricultural development, natural resource management, and livelihood security. These initiatives suggest pathways to increased resilience, but their outcomes depend on implementation, local conditions, and the extent to which women exercise real decision-making power. Watershed development and women’s participation. In rain-dependent agricultural regions, the development of watersheds can help communities manage rainfall through water harvesting, groundwater recharge, soil conservation, and improvements in local water management. Such measures can support farmers facing irregular rainfall, declining water availability, and soil degradation. The National Bank for Agriculture and Rural Development (NABARD) supports watershed development and climate-adaptation initiatives across India. These programmes can connect environmental improvements with livelihood development, where communities take part in planning and managing shared natural resources. This creates an opportunity for women to influence decisions about water use, soil conservation, and agricultural priorities. Women often have detailed knowledge of household water requirements, livestock care and the added work caused by water scarcity. Including this knowledge in local planning can make interventions more responsive to community needs. A NABARD-supported climate-proofing project implemented with the Centre for Integrated Rural Health and Education Project (CIRHEP) in Tamil Nadu documents women’s participation in self-help groups and livelihood activities in watershed villages. The project report discusses access to institutional finance, participation in local decision-making and activities such as floriculture, nursery development, and other income-generating enterprises. These examples suggest how natural resource management can be linked with women’s economic opportunities. But we must not assume that every watershed programme leads to the same results. We must examine whether women influence decisions about water, whether landless households benefit, and whether new income opportunities are practical after project support ends. Women farmers and collective livelihood programmes - The Mahila Kisan Sashaktikaran Pariyojana (MKSP), implemented as a part of the Deendayal Antyodaya Yojana–National Rural Livelihoods Mission, was designed to strengthen women’s participation in agriculture and support sustainable livelihood opportunities. The programme’s significance lies in recognising women as agricultural producers, rather than treating their contribution as an extension of household labour. By supporting agricultural knowledge and collective organisation, such initiatives can help women improve farming practices and explore more sustainable livelihoods. But the presence of a collective does not automatically guarantee financial independence. A group may provide training but lack working capital, dependable buyers, or suitable storage facilities. We must assess whether members experience measurable improvements in income, asset ownership, and control over agricultural decisions. Self-help groups and financial inclusion - Self-help groups offer another route towards greater financial inclusion. Through regular savings, internal lending and links with formal banking institutions, women can develop financial relationships and explore income-generating activities. When connected with agricultural programmes, these groups can help women finance seeds, livestock, small enterprises, or processing activities. They can also provide a platform for sharing information about government schemes and local livelihood opportunities. The benefits, however, depend on how financial resources are used and controlled. A woman may receive a loan without deciding how it is spent. If an agricultural season fails, she may still handle repayment, when she has little control over the factors affecting the household’s income. We should look beyond the number of groups formed or loans distributed. Effective programmes should help women understand loan terms, name practical enterprises, access markets, and make independent decisions about the money they borrow and earn. Crop insurance and financial protection in Chhattisgarh The experience of Lakshmi Rathiya, a farmer in Mauhar village in Chhattisgarh’s Korba district, presents another perspective. In a March 2026 account, the United Nations Development Programme highlighted the role crop insurance can play in protecting women’s farming livelihoods against agricultural risks. Crop insurance cannot prevent droughts, floods, or crop damage. Nor can it resolve every problem related to land ownership or unequal decision-making. But when coverage and claims processes work well, insurance can help farmers recover from losses, without relying entirely on new debt or selling productive assets. For women farmers, access to insurance must be practical. They need clear information about eligibility, enrolment, documentation, premiums, and claims. We should also examine whether compensation reaches the person responsible for restoring the farm and whether the support arrives in time to help finance the next agricultural season. Together, these Indian examples highlight why climate adaptation should connect environmental protection with financial inclusion and livelihood security. Their effectiveness must be measured by what changes for women, not simply by the existence of a programme. When climate shocks hit, who bears the financial losses? Climate shocks can transform an already uncertain agricultural season into a budgetary crisis. Delayed rainfall may disrupt sowing, extreme heat can affect agricultural labour and livestock, and intense rainfall can damage standing crops or stored produce. The consequences extend beyond the immediate loss of agricultural output. For a woman with limited savings, a poor harvest may mean borrowing money to buy food, finding more employment, or reducing expenditure on essential needs. If the household has already borrowed, lower agricultural earnings make repayment harder and leave little money for the next sowing season. The goal should be to ensure that climate shocks do not repeatedly push women into financial insecurity. Protecting agricultural production is essential but protecting the livelihoods and decision-making power of the people who sustain that production is equally important. Why must financial independence become part of climate adaptation? Climate adaptation requires investment, which depends on access to money and the authority to decide how it is used. This makes women’s financial independence an integral part of climate-resilient agriculture. Consider a woman farmer who learns that mulching, improved soil management, and efficient irrigation could help her farm keep moisture. She may understand the benefits of these practices, but adopting them can require materials, equipment, labour, and upfront expenditure. Without access to savings or affordable credit, she may be unable to implement the changes. The same challenge arises when women want to diversify into crops suited to the local conditions. Diversification may require new seeds, cultivating techniques, processing facilities and buyers willing to buy the harvest. Without reliable market information, changing crops can present more financial risks, rather than alleviate them. We must connect agricultural training with financial services, land rights, and market development. Agricultural extension programmes should provide practical knowledge about climate risks, while financial institutions should develop suitable products that account for seasonal income and the uncertainties of farming. Public programmes must also consider women whose contributions are not reflected in formal land records. Depending on the scheme, documentation requirements may prevent cultivators of family or leased land from accessing particular benefits. Clear eligibility rules and accessible documentation support can reduce these barriers. At the same time, we should not assume that credit automatically creates empowerment. Loans can support productive investments, but they can also increase vulnerability when crops fail, buyers are unavailable and repayment terms do not reflect agricultural realities. Credit must go with risk protection, practical support, and realistic repayment arrangements. We need to measure climate adaptation through both environmental and economic outcomes. Improved soil health, reduced water consumption, and lower crop losses matter. So do women’s earnings, ownership of productive assets, access to affordable credit and control over agricultural decisions. If we want to know whether a farming system has become genuinely climate-resilient, we must examine whether the people managing it have the resources and authority to sustain those improvements. How can India turn women’s participation into real financial power? Moving from participation to financial agency requires action at several levels: Government agencies, banks, agricultural institutions, local organisations, and farming communities all have a role. First, we need stronger recognition of women as agricultural decision-makers. Where proper, land documentation and joint ownership can strengthen women’s position, while policies must also account for tenant cultivators and landless workers. Secure access to land should not be the only route through which women can obtain agricultural support. Second, financial services must reflect the realities of rural livelihoods. Women need access to affordable credit, savings facilities, suitable insurance, and clear information about government benefits. Financial products should account for seasonal earnings and climate-related risks, rather than if every farmer has a stable monthly income. Third, agricultural training must lead to practical opportunities. If women learn about drought-resilient crops, water conservation, or sustainable soil management, they should also be able to access suitable inputs, tools, technical support, and buyers. Otherwise, training may raise awareness without changing what women can do. Fourth, market access must be given greater attention. Collective marketing, local processing, storage facilities, and reliable price information can help women explore better opportunities for their produce. Partnerships with farmer producer organisations and cooperatives may be particularly useful when they are inclusive and transparent. Fifth, women must have a meaningful role in community-level institutions. Water committees, watershed organisations, and agricultural collectives should not merely include women, but enable them to influence planning, allocation of resources and the evaluation of local projects. Finally, programmes must measure outcomes that reflect real empowerment. We should ask whether women have gained control over income, improved their access to productive assets, reduced their financial vulnerability, or increased their influence over agricultural decisions. These outcomes tell us much more than attendance figures. Conclusion: Climate resilience cannot rely solely on women’s labour India’s agricultural future depends not only on how successfully we can adapt to climate change, but also on whether the people who sustain farms have the means or power to do so. Although rural women already contribute to agriculture through their work, natural resource management, household food security and community institutions, their contribution cannot be divorced from their access to resources, technology, markets, and the income generated from their labour. Examples from watershed development, women’s livelihood programmes, self-help groups, and crop-insurance initiatives prove how adaptation to environmental change can be married with an increase in economic opportunities. They also serve as a reminder that programme participation does not necessarily translate into financial independence for women. We need to consider whether women can access and control resources, make decisions over agriculture and keep a significant share of the benefits. We also need to ensure that landless women and tenant cultivators are not overlooked merely because they do not officially own land. The future requires collaboration between government bodies, banks, agricultural organisations, and communities to provide women with accessible finance, markets, training, and representation in decision-making. Most importantly, it requires us to measure success in terms of increased financial security and agency for women. The resilience of women should not be viewed as an infinite resource that can offset inadequate support. Their ability to withstand the effects of climate change should not rely on how much stress they can endure. For women to be able to keep India’s farms in the face of climate change, they must also have the power to decide how those farms are managed and how the money they generate is spent. Climate resilience will be incomplete so long as the people who sustain it are denied a voice in important financial decisions. India’s agricultural future not only depends on whether our farms will survive a changing climate, but also on whether the women who sustain them will have the freedom and resources to do so. References and Sources Press Information Bureau, Government of India. Women Farmers in the Country (2021). Agricultural statistics and information about female operational holders. https://www.pib.gov.in/PressReleasePage.aspx?PRID=1780263&lang=2&reg=48 Press Information Bureau, Government of India. Feminization of Agriculture (2019). Background on women farmers and the Mahila Kisan Sashaktikaran Pariyojana https://www.pib.gov.in/PressReleasePage.aspx?PRID=1577924&reg=48&lang=2  Department of Agriculture and Farmers Welfare, Government of India. Agriculture Census Scheme. Background on agricultural holdings and data collection. https://agcensus.gov.in/AgriCensus/   NABARD. Resources on watershed development, climate adaptation, soil conservation, and sustainable agriculture. https://www.adaptation-fund.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/India.pdf   ...Read more

07 Oct 2026

The urgent case for governing hills and rivers together in the Northeast of India with an integrated approach. The Northeast's floods begin far beyond its embankments. Roads, mines, damaged slopes, shrinking ice and crowded river valleys help determine what reaches the plains. The enormous Siang proposal now demands a harder question: will it reduce the region's combined risks, or redistribute them? Summary Northeast India needs to manage mountains, rivers and settlements as one connected system. The 2026 flood debate, new developments around the proposed Siang project and Nepal's recent catastrophe make that task urgent. Stronger embankments and reservoirs can protect particular places, but their benefits depend on location, maintenance, operating rules and the hazards they can actually withstand. Governments must also restore flood storage, regulate extraction and hill cutting, protect Indigenous rights, and make warnings trigger action across borders. The practical agenda begins before the 2027 monsoon and extends through 2031, with public measures of safety rather than construction expenditure alone. The next flood may begin above the clouds The next devastating flood in Assam may begin on a hillside where a road contractor leaves loose debris, in a rain-soaked catchment in Nagaland, or in a high Himalayan valley where rock and ice suddenly give way. By the time the danger appears beside a downstream home, decisions taken years earlier and hundreds of kilometres away may already have helped determine its force. For the family trying to save its cattle, documents and children, these distinctions offer little comfort. Yet they are essential to preventing the next loss. A breached embankment is the visible failure. The chain that brought water and sediment to it is the larger story. The three recent Counterview articles identify complementary failures: Assam's excessive dependence on embankments, inconsistent treatment of Himalayan fragility, and flood governance divided by state boundaries. Together, they point towards a regional approach that follows the river upstream into the mountains and downstream into livelihoods. [1–3] That approach now faces a consequential test on the Siang in Arunachal Pradesh. India is considering an immense multipurpose storage project partly as protection against upstream risks from China. The strategic concern deserves serious examination. So does the possibility that protecting against one danger could introduce another through excavation, reservoir slopes, displacement or operating decisions. The Northeast needs development that remains useful when conditions become dangerous. That requires treating the stability of a mountain and the safety of a floodplain as connected public responsibilities. Floodwater carries a piece of the mountain An ordinary-looking brown river contains evidence of what has happened uphill. Its load can include naturally eroded soil and rock, material loosened by construction, and sediment remobilised from earlier floods. Under exceptional conditions, that load becomes boulders, uprooted trees and a rapidly moving debris flow. Heavy rain can saturate a slope and increase pressure within its soil or fractured rock. Failure may dump material into a channel. If the material blocks the river, water accumulates behind a temporary natural dam. When that blockage breaks, the flood can arrive after the rain has weakened or stopped. Watching today's rainfall alone will miss part of tomorrow's danger. Downstream, deposited sediment can reduce the space available to carry water in particular reaches, redirect channels, or obstruct tributary outlets. Elsewhere, intense scouring deepens the bed and undermines bridges or banks. The Brahmaputra does not respond uniformly along its length. An explanation that says every embankment invariably raises every riverbed is too simple for this changing system. [5] Nor can every upstream landslide be blamed on human activity. Natural geology, earthquakes, rainfall and river erosion are powerful forces. The policy question is where human interventions add avoidable instability or exposure, and whether those additions have been measured. This creates a clear connection between two administrative files usually handled separately. Slope management determines part of what enters a river. River management determines where that material and water go. A hillside's construction waste can become a downstream village's excavation bill, lost harvest or shattered bridge. Eight states need more than one flood formula The Northeast is not a single Himalayan valley. A programme designed around glaciers would miss much of its danger, while an Assam embankment programme would miss the instability of its uplands. Arunachal Pradesh connects high mountain hazards and steep catchments to the Siang, Subansiri, Dibang, Lohit and other rivers. Its priorities include slope stability, sediment, hydropower operations and the survival of roads that serve isolated settlements. Assam receives these flows while facing its own rainfall, drainage congestion, erosion and shifting channels. The Brahmaputra and Barak valleys need distinct plans within a coordinated regional system. Nagaland's connections to Upper Assam through the Dikhow, Disang and Dhansiri illustrate why small tributaries deserve attention equal to the main river. The July 2026 accounts describe rainfall in the Naga Hills producing damaging downstream surges. That is a reason for joint investigation and warnings, rather than a licence to assign collective blame to another state's people. [3,5] Meghalaya's steep catchments, expanding settlements and extraction pressures require careful management of runoff, drains and disturbed slopes. Mizoram and Nagaland need road designs that protect hillsides and keep settlements accessible. Manipur requires separate attention to the Barak headwaters and the drainage of the Imphal valley. Loktak's ecological health and the functioning of connected waterways belong in that valley's planning. Tripura's Gomati, Manu, Khowai and Feni systems require basin-specific rainfall warnings, reservoir coordination where relevant, and links with Bangladesh. Sikkim's Teesta demonstrates the reach of glacier-related hazards beyond the mountains, through West Bengal and into Bangladesh. These geographical connections are practical units for planning; they cannot be replaced by a general declaration that the entire Northeast has the same risk. [19,20] Within each state, the distinction must become still finer. A slow, shallow inundation of agricultural land, an eroding riverbank and a boulder-rich mountain surge call for different decisions. A stilt house may be appropriate for the first; secure relocation may be essential for the other two. Climate is changing the design conditions The monsoon's apparent contradiction matters: a seasonal rainfall deficit can coexist with destructive local floods. A monthly average does not describe how rapidly rain fell, how saturated the ground was, or which upstream catchment received it. A relatively dry fortnight followed by an intense downpour can produce both agricultural stress and flood damage. [5] The IPCC assesses growing risks associated with heavy precipitation, glacier retreat and changing mountain stability. That is a reason to update design assumptions. It does not establish climate change as the exclusive cause of each landslide, or prove that every Northeast district will experience the same trend. [6] ISRO's 2024 satellite assessment offers a similarly important distinction. Of 2,431 glacial lakes larger than ten hectares identified in 2016–17 across the studied Himalayan catchments, 676 had expanded since 1984; 601 of those expanding lakes had more than doubled. Expansion warrants assessment, but is not an announcement that all these lakes will burst. Location, dam material, surrounding slopes and downstream exposure matter. [8] The lesson for Arunachal and Sikkim is to watch the surrounding mountain as well as the lake. For the non-glaciated hills farther south, the relevant questions concern intense rainfall, weathered slopes, drainage and land use. Both tasks need observations that are updated as conditions change. Embankments need an escape route for water Embankments can protect settlements, crops and essential infrastructure. Their continued use should depend on a clear answer to three questions: what are they protecting, against what event, and what happens when their intended level of protection is exceeded? A bank that keeps river water out may also trap local rainfall inside. A road embankment can interrupt drainage across a floodplain. Protecting one reach can change water levels or erosion elsewhere. These effects require connected modelling and maintained outlets, not an assumption that a taller wall automatically makes everyone safer. [1,5] The alternative is a carefully chosen combination. Retain and maintain essential defences. Where land and compensation arrangements permit, move selected embankments back, reconnect flood-storage areas and allow rivers more space. Protect beels and other wetlands together with the channels that feed and drain them. Assess proposed interventions for their effects on neighbouring villages before construction. Seasonal flooding also supports wetland ecology. Kaziranga illustrates the need to distinguish beneficial inundation from dangerous depths, prolonged submergence and blocked wildlife movement. Safe passage towards higher ground and traffic management belong alongside human evacuation planning. [1] Nature-based measures have limits. Wetlands can fill; forests cannot absorb an unlimited deluge. Their value lies in reducing particular risks and preserving ecological functions, combined with appropriate engineering and evacuation. Restoring a beel while blocking its outlet with a new development would defeat the investment. The quarry bill arrives downstream The misuse of natural resources often begins with a transaction that looks locally profitable. A hillside supplies aggregate. A river supplies sand. A forest becomes a construction site. The resulting public cost may emerge much later, in another district's flood losses. Road cuts can remove support from slopes, while badly placed drains concentrate runoff onto unstable ground. Spoil tipped into gullies adds material ready to be carried away. Unscientific mining can disturb slopes and waterways. Excessive riverbed extraction can alter channel shape and undermine banks or bridge foundations. These mechanisms require site-specific investigation; they should not become an accusation that any one activity explains an entire flood. [2,4,5] Nor should conservation become a convenient way to blame Indigenous farmers while ignoring large contractors and commercial extraction. Customary farming systems vary. Their effects depend on practices, fallow periods, slope conditions and changing economic pressures. Regulation must examine actual disturbance and offer viable livelihoods, rather than treat community identity as an environmental offence. For governments, the immediate requirement is traceability. Every major excavation should have an approved spoil destination, drainage design, restoration obligation and independently checked record of where material went. Mining permissions should reflect channel change and cumulative extraction, with inspections after major floods. Contract payments should depend on these obligations being met. Dredging needs the same discipline. Removing a shoal may help a specific obstruction, but a sediment-rich river can refill an excavated reach. Indiscriminate dredging can also shift erosion. Decisions must follow a sediment budget showing where material originates, accumulates and travels, rather than a promise to dig the flood away. Siang has reached a consequential decision point The Siang Upper Multipurpose Project, often called SUMP, remains a proposal whose design is being investigated. NHPC's 2023–24 annual report listed three alternatives: Uggeng at 11,600 MW, and Dite Dime and Parong at 11,200 MW. Those figures represent potential electricity-generating capacity, not an independently demonstrated flood-protection benefit. [9] The Arunachal Cabinet approved a high-level committee to oversee preliminary feasibility survey activities in September 2026. On 29 September, Chief Minister Pema Khandu said advancement would depend on technical feasibility, with further social and environmental assessments and a detailed project report if the proposal progressed. The investigations would address construction in Seismic Zone V and protection against possible upstream releases. He described the intended study period as November through January. Earlier alternative studies therefore should not be confused with a final, approved design. [10,11] The attraction is understandable. A large reservoir could provide electricity, revenue and some ability to regulate incoming water. The government also presents the scheme as a strategic response to upstream developments in China. But Arunachal's potential benefits and Assam's potential protection must be examined separately. An electricity project can earn revenue without protecting every downstream community. A structure on the Siang cannot intercept a flood generated in Nagaland's tributaries, the Barak basin or Guwahati's drains. Its geographical limits should appear prominently in every public claim. Flood protection depends on empty space and operating rules A reservoir moderates a flood when it can temporarily hold some incoming water and release it more slowly. Its effectiveness depends on available storage at the moment of arrival, the duration and size of the flood, outlet capacity and conditions downstream. Installed megawatts tell us none of those things. This creates an operating trade-off. Storing water supports electricity generation and dry-season supply; retaining empty space supports flood absorption. Forecasts can help reconcile the two, but cannot remove uncertainty. A seasonally prescribed rule curve, which sets intended reservoir levels over the year, must therefore be backed by enforceable responsibilities and decisions tested against difficult conditions. [22] For Siang, a public appraisal should answer four practical questions. How much usable flood storage would remain during different parts of the monsoon? Which upstream events could the project moderate, and which would exceed its capacity? What downstream consequences would follow from planned releases or emergency operations? How would those conclusions change as sediment accumulates and rainfall patterns shift? The tests should include an upstream landslide-dam outburst arriving when the reservoir is already high, intense rain in tributaries below the dam, blocked gates, power loss and disrupted communications. Scenarios should state their probabilities where these can be estimated and identify the uncertainty where they cannot. Protection against a flood wave is also different from compensation for reduced upstream flows. A reservoir can redistribute water already received; it cannot manufacture a continuing supply. Its contribution to dry-season security must be calculated against plausible inflows, demand and losses. Political assurances should not substitute for those calculations. Sediment will decide how long protection lasts A dam holds back a proportion of the sediment arriving with the river. Deposits occupy space intended for water, so a flood-storage assessment must show how useful capacity changes over decades. It must also examine damage to equipment and obstruction of outlets during exceptional sediment pulses. The Central Water Commission already has a handbook for assessing and managing this problem. [29] Below the reservoir, altered water and sediment flows can change erosion, deposition and river habitat. Tributaries may replenish some sediment farther downstream, so the response will differ by reach. It would be misleading to promise uniform benefit from trapping silt, or predict uniform damage throughout Assam. Siang needs its own connected measurements and modelling. [30] The timing of water matters too. Rapid release changes for power generation can affect people using the channel and the ecology of the river. An operating plan should examine seasonal flows, acceptable rates of change, and warnings for downstream users, alongside any minimum-flow requirement. Flood protection must therefore be assessed across the project's lifetime. The appraisal should specify monitoring, sediment-management options and the costs of keeping them effective. A reservoir cannot be advertised with the storage capacity of its opening year while later generations inherit the consequences of accumulated material. A strong dam can still sit inside an unsafe valley The safety of the dam wall is only one part of the assessment. Construction brings access roads, excavation, tunnels, quarries, spoil sites, worker camps and transmission corridors. Each creates a footprint that can affect slopes, drainage and exposure. [2,4] A future reservoir would also require close assessment of its surrounding slopes. Changing water levels can change groundwater pressure and the support provided to saturated material. A large slide into water may generate a displacement wave. Seismic loading, reservoir-related seismicity where relevant, and the stability of abutments and rim slopes need site-specific investigation. None of these possibilities proves that the proposed Siang project will fail; each identifies a question that its safety case must answer. [27] The cumulative test should consider nearby infrastructure and the construction period itself. A completed plant may have monitored slopes while temporary works, camps and access roads remain exposed. A disaster can arrive before commissioning. Arunachal should require baseline measurements before major disturbance, monitoring through excavation and filling, published intervention thresholds, and independent authority to stop unsafe work. Developers should fund these responsibilities over the project's life, including emergency planning and eventual closure. This is also an energy-security issue. Placing generation, access and transmission in a shared hazard corridor can create simultaneous failures. Alternatives should include lower-impact project configurations, energy efficiency, distributed supply for isolated settlements and broader grid options. Smaller hydropower deserves assessment too; a small project in a dangerous channel can still be unsafe. Sikkim and Nepal reveal how disasters grow Sikkim has already experienced a mountain-to-river catastrophe. A 2025 Science study reconstructed the October 2023 South Lhonak event: collapsing frozen moraine entered the lake, produced a large impact wave and released roughly 50 million cubic metres of water. The flood then eroded about 270 million cubic metres of sediment along its path and overwhelmed infrastructure, including hydropower installations. Those estimates describe successive processes, not a simple water-to-mud mixing ratio. [15] Its lesson for Siang is the growth of a hazard as it moves. Designs need to examine debris, erosion and connected failures, rather than assume that the initiating water volume remains the whole event downstream. Nepal's 26 August 2026 Rasuwa-Gyirong disaster adds another warning. ICIMOD's evolving assessment describes an ice-rock avalanche entering the Lhende corridor and transforming into a debris flow. The precise timing and possible temporary river blockage remain under scientific examination. It was not simply a conventional outburst from a known glacial lake. Direct attribution of this particular event to warming also remains unresolved. [16] Nepal's experience also shows how concentrated roads, power infrastructure, settlements and local institutions can turn one valley's destruction into a wider systems crisis. Lessons on safer relocation, redundant communications and inclusion of landless families are directly relevant to the Northeast. A village needs functioning government and access after a flood, as well as a surviving house. [4] On 25 September, ICIMOD published the Kathmandu 10 Action Points, calling for stronger monitoring, faster cross-border information, better response capacity and people-centred recovery. Northeast governments can turn that recent regional agenda into district operations before another monsoon. [17] China raises a real concern that needs real evidence China announced the start of construction of its lower Yarlung Zangbo hydropower project on 19 July 2025. The official account described five cascade stations and investment of around 1.2 trillion yuan. The river subsequently enters Arunachal as the Siang and contributes to the Brahmaputra system. [12] On 23 July, China's foreign ministry stated that the project would not adversely affect downstream areas and would support disaster prevention. That is Beijing's stated position, not an independently verified finding about every future operating condition. Indian strategic concerns likewise need to be separated from demonstrated project-specific consequences. [13] Upstream instability is already a scientific concern. Research on the Sedongpu catchment documents glacier-related cascades that blocked the Yarlung Tsangpo in 2018. The danger from natural mountain failure therefore exists alongside questions about dams. A comprehensive warning system has to observe both. [14] India should seek agreed procedures for reservoir filling, planned and emergency releases, abnormal river blockage and rapid downstream alerts. China, India and Bangladesh need arrangements that remain functional during political tension. Bhutan is equally important to coordination in the river systems it shares with Assam. If India demands transparent assessment upstream, it should offer comparable scrutiny to communities downstream of its own projects. Applying the same safety principles to China, Nepal and Arunachal would strengthen India's case. Competitive dam building without shared information could leave the basin with more infrastructure and continuing uncertainty. Consent belongs inside the safety assessment For Adi communities, the Siang valley is a place of land, food, kinship, cultural memory and customary authority. Tadu Rimi's March 2026 research describes these connections and the role of traditional councils in opposition to the project. The implications extend beyond compensation for a house or field. [18] Some local people see opportunity in development; others fear profound loss. A credible process must hear both without treating one group as the authentic community and the other as an inconvenience. Consultation should begin early enough to affect the choice of site, scale and alternatives. Villagers need accessible maps of likely submergence and hazards, independent advice, records of questions and answers, and clear distinctions between agreement to investigations and agreement to construction. Customary institutions, women, young people, tenants and households without conventional title documents need meaningful participation. Applicable land, forest, environmental and rehabilitation obligations remain part of the decision. This also improves the evidence. Residents can identify flood marks, past slope movement, springs, seasonal channels and routes that outsiders overlook. That knowledge should be tested alongside geological investigation and modelling. Assam's downstream residents need a voice too. Benefits and risks cross the state boundary. A project appraisal that listens near the proposed reservoir while overlooking those exposed to releases or changed sediment downstream would leave an important part of its social assessment unfinished. Existing policy needs consequences on the ground India already has institutions and tools for this work. The Brahmaputra Board's statutory remit includes basin planning for floods, erosion and drainage. In June 2026, it reviewed work on 15 sub-basins and sediment studies in the Siang and Dibang being undertaken by IIT Guwahati. The starting point is to make those studies influence approvals, budgets and operating decisions. [19,20] Four limitations need attention. First, assessments can remain fragmented between project sites, sectors and states. Cumulative analysis must test interacting hazards and infrastructure, with a clear requirement to change or refuse a proposal when risks are unacceptable. Second, mapped danger does not necessarily change land-use permission. National floodplain-zoning technical guidance was circulated in August 2025. States must translate such guidance into notified boundaries, development controls, appeal procedures and funded arrangements for affected households. A map without enforceable decisions offers little protection. [21] Third, ecological protection and flood planning can leave gaps between categories. The Wetlands Rules' definition excludes river channels; wetland notification alone therefore cannot protect every route that carries or stores floodwater. State planning must also safeguard connected drains, seasonal waterways and flood corridors through appropriate legal instruments. [26] Fourth, responsibility for long-term maintenance and emergency decisions needs to be unambiguous. The Dam Safety Act framework and subsequent directions address rule curves, information exchange and coordinated cascade operations. Governments must verify that these obligations result in working communication and drills, rather than assume formal compliance guarantees downstream safety. [22] The same accountability should apply to roads, embankments and spoil disposal. Ministries promoting projects need independent scrutiny of safety conclusions, and affected people need an accessible way to challenge failures. A warning matters when someone can act on it The Northeast has a base to build upon. NESAC's Flood Early Warning System combines rainfall prediction, hydrological modelling and geospatial information to issue actionable Assam advisories. Its historical lead times cannot guarantee warning for every sudden mountain event. [23] Radar satellite imagery can map inundation through cloud, while river gauges, rainfall instruments and weather forecasts help estimate what may arrive next. These are different functions. A flood map does not by itself predict the next collapse. ISRO's Landslide Atlas provides a valuable historical inventory, but new disturbances and evolving slopes require continuing observation. [7] Technology should be joined to local decisions. A dangerous threshold needs an identified official authorised to issue evacuation instructions, a tested message in locally understood languages, and a way to reach people without phones or mobile coverage. Sirens, radio, community volunteers and backup communications need regular exercises. For a steep headwater village, there may be only minutes to move. Farther downstream, useful warning may be much longer. Plans must show realistic travel times, accessible shelters, transport for people who cannot evacuate unaided, and safe arrangements for livestock. Hospitals, schools and worker camps need their own procedures. Every major event should then be reviewed publicly: when danger was detected, when the warning was sent, who received it, and what prevented action. Forecast skill and successful evacuation are related achievements, but they should be measured separately. New finance must buy a reduction in risk Assam's investment programmes already reach beyond conventional flood walls. The World Bank's $108 million project approved in 2023 includes forecasting, shelters, emergency capacity and green infrastructure. In February 2026, ADB approved $182 million in additional financing alongside its existing $200 million programme, with wetland restoration and livelihood measures among the planned activities. [24,25] Loan approval is an opportunity, not proof that protection has been delivered. Public reporting should distinguish approved finance, disbursement, completed works and outcomes. It should show whether warning reaches improved, repeated displacement declined and restored drainage functioned during heavy rain. Rescue and compensation remain essential. But annual maintenance, competent technical staff, local preparedness and the correction of unsafe land use need predictable funding too. A government should not have to wait for a disaster declaration to repair a known dangerous outlet. Dedicated State and National Disaster Mitigation Funds already provide a route for eligible prevention investments. Northeast finance departments should connect these opportunities to district risk priorities, while securing ordinary budget support for staff, instrument upkeep and maintenance. Gauges installed without funding for their operation can produce an expensive silence. [28] There is also a fairer way to connect upstream and downstream interests. Assam and neighbouring hill states could negotiate co-financing for verified catchment restoration, safe spoil management and community monitoring. Such agreements should pay for measurable stewardship and recognise local land rights. They should not promise that a restored forest can prevent every extreme flood. Sharing the cost of prevention would give cooperation a practical economic basis, rather than leaving one state to defend its development and another to count the losses. The short run begins before the 2027 monsoon The following measures are a proposed agenda for Northeast governments over the next twelve months, beginning in October 2026. They require cooperation with Union agencies and dam operators where powers are shared. In the first ninety days, identify the places where delay is dangerous. State disaster authorities should commission joint district inspections of critical embankments, blocked flood outlets, unstable road cuts, spoil sites, vulnerable bridges and exposed public facilities. Publish each finding with an owner, deadline and interim safety measure. Local observations should help select sites, while qualified engineers verify the risks. Put basin agreements ahead of the next emergency. Assam and Nagaland should begin with the Dikhow, Disang and Dhansiri catchments; Assam and Arunachal should establish comparable protocols for their shared tributaries. Other states should organise their own connected basins. Agree how gauges, rainfall alerts, reservoir information and temporary channel blockages reach downstream control rooms, and test the communication chain before the monsoon. Keep irreversible Siang decisions behind evidence. Arunachal and the Union government should publish the scope, alternatives and review process for the current feasibility work. Establish an independent multidisciplinary review, fund community access to advice, and require public responses to major objections. Survey participation must not be represented as construction consent. Decisions about construction should follow the necessary assessments and clearances. Protect drainage while long-term zoning is prepared. Planning, revenue and municipal authorities should prevent new obstruction of mapped high-risk waterways and investigate unsafe excavation. Interim restrictions need lawful notice, transparent review and support for affected occupants. Repair drainage, stabilise priority slopes and secure spoil; avoid hurried works that transfer risk to another location. Make evacuation and relief usable for every household. Before the 2027 rains, districts should run exercises with schools, health facilities, work camps and riverine communities. Pre-position safe water, sanitation, medicines and boats. Include disability access, menstrual hygiene, child protection, replacement documents, livestock and rapid livelihood assistance. Relocation support must recognise tenants and people whose land has disappeared through erosion. The first-year public dashboard should track repairs completed, gauges functioning, warnings received in drills, evacuation times and grievance resolution. These measures make readiness visible before a flood supplies the test. The middle run must change where and how development happens Over one to five years, broadly 2027–2031, governments should use those first measures to change the underlying pattern of exposure. Make flood and slope zoning enforceable and affordable. Each state should connect updated hazard maps to building permission, public infrastructure location and land records. Secure replacement land, transitional rent and livelihood support must accompany movement from places where safe habitation cannot reasonably be maintained. Relocate functioning communities with schools, health care and cultural continuity; do not recreate exposure on the nearest cheap terrace. Require development to pass a basin test. Arunachal and Sikkim should assess hydropower and associated construction alongside roads, transmission and settlements in each connected valley. Nagaland, Meghalaya and Mizoram should prioritise cumulative slope and extraction pressures. Assam should assess downstream flow, erosion and drainage consequences. Manipur and Tripura need plans adapted to their valley and cross-border river systems. Decision rules must allow redesign, relocation or refusal, with reasons made public. Restore the places that hold and safely convey water. Assam's beels and urban drainage networks deserve sustained programmes. Manipur should integrate valley drainage with Loktak management; Tripura should protect storage and conveyance in its catchments. Test selected embankment setbacks and flood-storage restoration with landholders, compensate agreed losses, and monitor performance. Upland states should restore native vegetation and springsheds where suitable, with paid community stewardship. Build a permanent regional technical capability. Strengthen the Brahmaputra Board and state agencies with geologists, hydrologists, ecologists and trained field staff. Support open data and independent analysis through institutions such as IIT Guwahati, universities and NESAC. The regional compact should have funded basin teams and annual public reviews. Avoid creating another committee whose responsibilities end at recommending that another committee act. Price lifetime risk and negotiate across borders. Project appraisals should include maintenance, sediment, rehabilitation, emergency arrangements and plausible disruption. Contractor obligations and developer reserves should cover environmental restoration and safety over time. States and the Union should pursue practical data and emergency agreements with China, Bhutan and Bangladesh, using Nepal's recent experience to strengthen regional cooperation. Share decision-ready alerts that explain the danger and required action. By 2031, progress should be assessed through reduced repeated displacement, safer infrastructure, effective warning coverage and restored water storage, accounting for differences in rainfall between years. Construction totals alone cannot show whether risk has declined. For a child beside an Assam river or an Arunachal slope, success is concrete: a home in a safer place, a school that remains reachable, and a warning the family can use. The Siang decision should be judged within that wider promise. The Northeast's mountains and floodplains need a development policy that protects the people connected by them. Sources and further reading Sources accessed or checked on 4 October 2026. Numbers in the text identify supporting research, official statements or supplied articles. Project proposals and government assurances are distinguished from demonstrated outcomes; recommendations are the author's policy proposals. [1] Yadappanavar, A. V. (4 October 2026). Beyond embankments: Why Assam's 2026 floods demand a paradigm shift in India's disaster management. Counterview. Open source [2] Sharma, Kvita (4 October 2026). If Nepal's mountains are fragile, so are Arunachal's. Counterview. Open source [3] Yadappanavar, A. V. (4 October 2026). When rivers ignore state boundaries: Rethinking flood management in northeast India. Counterview. Open source [4] Chowdhury, U. K. When the Mountain Fell into the River. Supplied article in NepCrisisFinal(3).docx; evidence cut-off 30 August 2026. [5] Chowdhury, U. K. Too Much Water, Yet Not Enough Rain: India's Monsoon Emergency of 2026. Supplied article in MonSoonFin.docx. [6] IPCC (2022). Cross-Chapter Paper 5: Mountains. Climate Change 2022: Impacts, Adaptation and Vulnerability. Open source [7] ISRO / NRSC (18 March 2023). Landslide Atlas of India. Open source [8] ISRO (22 April 2024). Satellite Insights: Expanding Glacial Lakes in the Indian Himalayas. Open source [9] NHPC (2024). Annual Report 2023–24, section 9.3 on Upper Siang Multipurpose Storage Project. Alternative capacities and geological investigations. Open source [10] Tayeng, M. (29 September 2026). Siang project will move ahead only if feasibility study gives green signal: Arunachal CM. India Today NE. Open source [11] The Economic Times (23 September 2026). Arunachal Cabinet forms panel to oversee Upper Siang project survey. Open source [12] Xinhua (19 July 2025). Chinese premier announces construction of Yarlung Zangbo hydropower project. Open source [13] Xinhua (23 July 2025). China's Yarlung Zangbo hydropower project has no adverse impact on downstream areas: spokesperson. Official position. Open source [14] Li, Y., Cui, Y., Hu, X., and colleagues (2024). Glacier Retreat in Eastern Himalaya Drives Catastrophic Glacier Hazard Chain. Geophysical Research Letters, 51, e2024GL108202. Open source [15] Sattar, A., Cook, K. L., Rai, S. K., and colleagues (2025). The Sikkim flood of October 2023: Drivers, causes, and impacts of a multihazard cascade. Science, 387, eads2659. Open source [16] ICIMOD (2026). Kyirong-Rasuwa Flood 2026: Nepal-China Cryosphere Risk. Evolving assessment and distinctions between avalanche, debris flow and GLOF. Open source [17] ICIMOD (25 September 2026). Kathmandu 10 Action Points: HKH countries chart a path to better preparedness after catastrophic Rasuwa-Gyirong flood. Open source [18] Rimi, T. (March 2026). Local Response to National Projects: The Siang Hydropower Project in Arunachal Pradesh. Centre of Excellence for Himalayan Studies, issue 30. Open source [19] Government of India (1980). The Brahmaputra Board Act, 1980. Statutory basin-planning mandate. Open source [20] Ministry of Jal Shakti / PIB (19 June 2026). Brahmaputra Board Reviews Flood Management, River Basin Planning and Sustainable Development Initiatives in North East. Open source [21] Ministry of Jal Shakti / PIB (4 December 2025). Filling of Posts in National Dam Safety Authority. Parliamentary reply also records circulation of floodplain-zoning guidance in August 2025. Open source [22] Ministry of Jal Shakti / PIB (1 December 2025). Floods in Punjab and Poor Reservoir Management at Dams. Parliamentary reply on rule curves, hydrological data and coordinated cascade operations. Open source [23] North Eastern Space Applications Centre (undated). Disaster Management Support: Flood Early Warning Systems. Historical operational description. Open source [24] World Bank (24 March 2023). World Bank Approves $108 Million to Improve Disaster Preparedness for Flood-prone Districts of Assam. Open source [25] Asian Development Bank (10 February 2026). ADB Approves $182 Million Loan to Scale Up Flood and Erosion Management Along Brahmaputra in Assam. Open source [26] Tamil Nadu State Wetlands Authority (undated). Tamil Nadu Wetlands Mission. Reproduces the definition under the Wetlands (Conservation and Management) Rules, 2017. Open source [27] Central Water Commission (June 2017). Guidelines for Safety Inspection of Dams. Includes reservoir-rim and slope inspection considerations. Open source [28] Ministry of Home Affairs, Disaster Management Division (current official information). Response Fund: State and National Disaster Mitigation Funds. Open source [29] Central Water Commission (February 2019). Handbook for Assessing and Managing Reservoir Sedimentation. Open source [30] Collier, M., Webb, R. H., and Schmidt, J. C. (1996, revised 2000). Dams and Rivers: A Primer on the Downstream Effects of Dams. USGS Circular 1126. Open source #NortheastIndia #Siang #Brahmaputra #FloodResilience #HimalayanSafety #ArunachalPradesh #ClimateJustice #RiverBasinManagement ...Read more

21 Sep 2026

  Summary: Floodwaters in Assam have hit hard this year. However, there is a dilemma between the real cause behind this deluge. Was it because of rainfall alone or were anthropic interferences have something to account for?  On 19 July, 2026 Assam experienced a disastrous flood in four districts, Shibagar, Chorai Deo, Jorhat and Golaghat. About 100 people have lost their lives. By 20 July, reports indicated that about 3.6 lakh were affected across 15-16 districts, with death rising rapidly as the flood intensified. About 40,000 hectares of crop area have been submerged, causing a significant loss of livelihood in agriculturally dependent areas. The subsequent 2026 Assam flood became much larger than the initial 19-20 July flood episode. Was the flood, the outcome of excessive rainfall or was it the result of non-scientific human activities? Why did the two rivers of Nagaland become so violent this year? There was heavy rainfall in the month of July, mainly mid-July. The important feature of the rainfall is the high concentration within a short period. Heavy downpours with landslides along the slopes of hills in Nagaland made the situation disastrous. Dikhou and Bhog doi rivers gushed down with huge water and hill slop debris.  Lower Assam in the Brahmaputra valley experiences flood almost every year. But the Upper Assam does not experience flooding as it is located in high altitude. On 19 July the people of upper Assam were surprised when the villages were flooded with water and a huge amount of silt.  One of the neighbouring states of Assam is Nagaland. It is located at a higher altitude. There is a district named Mon near Assam. Heavy downpours on 19 July caused severe landslides killing 11 persons. At the same time the rivers like Dhikhow, Nadan, Dhansiri, Disang,Janji, Taokak started flowing much above the danger level. This situation was known to the Government agencies like disaster management and civil defense. But prompt responses from these Government agencies were not taken. The situation led to disaster eventually.  Seventeen districts of Nagaland have coal mines where illegal mining activities have been continuing for a long period. This was not uncontrolled for the sake of unscrupulous businessmen. In some areas artificial lakes were formed due to unscientific extraction of coal and stone.  The hillslopes of Assam and adjoining states also experienced huge deforestation in recent years. Assam Tribune on 31 July, 26 commented, about 800 sq. km of forest was destroyed during 2013-2023. As per the report of the 'Global Forest Watch', within a time span from 2001 to 2025, 3.6 lakh acres of land were deforested. Deforestation in the hill slopes enhanced the risk of landslides and floods. The lakes in different parts of Nagaland formed by the mining activities overflowed and after breaching the embankment came down at a very high speed.  For the construction of four lane National highway huge amount of sand and rocks were extracted from the hillslopes. As a result, long stretches of hills were deforested. Excessive constuction activities, reckless deforestation and illegal sand collection from the Dikhow river have made the situation out of control.  The rivers are forced to transport huge amount of silts causing the continuous rising of riverbeds. After the disaster many deadbodies have been recovered from the silted mud. The houses in large numbers were submerged under the mud.  How human activities are responsible?  Human activities contributed to the severity of the 2026 Assam floods. Actually, the disaster is the outcome of extreme rainfall, Assam's river system, and human induced environmental changes.  Deforestation and hill slope modification enhance faster run-off. Removal of vegetation has reduced infiltration of rainwater and increased surface runoff. These again enhance soil erosion adding sediments to the rivers. Wetlands degeneration: Wetlands retain excess monsoon rainfall. Degradation of wetlands reduces natural water holding capacity of the landscape to mitigate flood waters surge. Encroachment of riverine flood plains: Expansion of settlements on natural flood plains of the rivers had already been captured. During water level rise in the major rivers of Assam caused havoc on the settlements. Infrastructural development and drainage modification are obstructing natural drainage system and alter the pathway of surface runoff. Embankments are built to restrict the river from invading the adjoining floodplains and human settlements. This is against the natural course of the rivers. Rivers during monsoon breach the embankments to maintain their previous pathway. Thus, devastating flood occurred frequently. In many cases rivers change their courses leading to river bank erosion, overtopping and embankment breaching. increasingly intense rainfall causing increased flash floods risks have enhanced the possibility of flash floods.  An important note on July 19 flood:  The initial trigger was generated largely by intensive rainfall in the neighbouring states of Nagaland on 19July. But human interference on the hillslopes and natural drainage system had determined how much damage that rainfall produces.  That can be explained in this way,  Heavy rainfall -------------Rapid run off --------------erosion-----------more sediment supply--------reduced water holding capacity -------------water spill over in the vulnerable zones ---------greater impact of flooding.  A better interpretation:  Highly concentrated rainfall and Assam's extraordinary river geomorphology created the flood hazard; human activities increased the vulnerability and, in some locations, probably increased the intensity and extent of flooding.  Is the cloud burst responsible?  The Government attributed the cause of heavy rainfall to a huge cloud burst. So, the disaster in Assam is the outcome of natural calamities though the rainfall pattern is describing the other side of the coin.  How can Assam have floods despite deficient rainfall??  Assam is one of the deficient states in rainfall in 2026. The IMD data reported on 1 September showed Assam's cumulative monsoon rainfall at 24% below the normal. Out of 35 districts of Assam 18 districts got below normal rainfall.  Assam experienced large deficit, about 40% below normal by early July. Assam got 29% below normal rainfall from 1 June -29 July. On 19 July extremely heavy rainfall took place in neighbouring Nagaland and Arunachal Pradesh and parts of Assam. August 2026 was also a deficient rainfall month for Assam, although there were several spells of heavy rainfall. Assam experienced intermittent heavy rainfall, especially around the beginning and end of August, rather than continuous widespread rainfall. By the end of the August, the overall 2026 monsoon rainfall remained deficient in Assam.  The 2026 rainfall pattern of Assam was as follows  Long dry periods -------- Sudden intense rainfall ---------- Rapid river rises and flash floods ---------Relatively dry periods.  Government initiatives:  After each flood, Government initiatives include repairing and construction of embankment. Actually Assam' s primary response to flooding has been the construction of embankments, now totalling nearly 4,800 km. Every year there is constuction or repair of these embankments after or before the flood. No long- term measures have been implemented so far as to mitigate the flood and erosion problem. Unplanned growth of urban settlements are not checked, wetlands are not being saved.  ...Read more

16 Sep 2026

SummaryA long-drawn debate still goes on regarding the erosive nature of Indian Sundarbans, precisely the Gangasagar Island. Highly revered for the cultural significance of Sagar mela at makar Sankranti, this island draws its significance from the confluence of main flow of river Ganga through its medieval channel of Adi Ganga with the Bay of Bengal. In the Anthropocene when climate change and sea level rise are gnawing at the spine, what makes Gangasagar Island increasingly vulnerable is the galaxy of geomorphic factors and anthropic interference which play their roles in shaping the erosion accretion pattern of the island.   Highly acclaimed for the world famous Gangasagar mela at Kapil Muni ashram, every year, Gangasagar Island is one of the most vulnerable islands of Indian Sundarban. Located at a distance of 100 km from Kolkata at the confluence of rivers Bhagirathi and Hugli, this island is approximately 30 km in north-south extent and 12 km in east-west.   Premature reclamation was done in Sagar Island like the rest of Sundarban, by embanking the coastline and major tidal channels, completely blocking the smaller tidal creeks followed by deforestation. Sagar Island has been in news owing to continuous coastal erosion, which has compelled to shift the Kapil Muni temple. Most experts have shifted the blame to climate change, ensuing sea level rise (terms which are sure to capture attention within a blink of the eye). Nevertheless, geomorphic uniqueness of Ganga-Brahmaputra delta, Sundarban and the continuous in equilibrium caused by anthropic interference play their roles in carving the erosion-accretion pattern. Reclamation by preventing the tidal spill area also results in loss of morphologic equilibrium. As Hugli estuary is a macrotidal resonant estuary, loss of tidal spill area results in disequilibrium by reducing the intertidal area and increasing the mean depth of the estuary. The estuary then tries to restore the equilibrium by active erosion of embanked channel margins and by in channel sedimentation which reduces the depth (Pethick, 1994).  Erosion accretion scenario of Gangasagar Island:  The progradation and retrogradation of any delta is determined by the occupance and abandonment of the distributary channels. The relative dominance of erosive wave and tidal action and accreting fluvial forces demarcates the stability of the delta. The Ganga Brahmaputra delta is tide dominated and the western part of the delta of which Indian Sundarban is a part, is retrograding in nature due to various factors. The silt trapping ‘Swatch of No Ground’ submarine canyon, subsidence of Bangladesh side due to neo-tectonic movements causing the major flow of river Ganga towards Padma, siltation of the offtake points of river Ganga with its distributaries and sediment trapping by construction of barrages and dams in the upstream by humans have contributed to sediment starvation causing retrogradation of Western Ganga Brahmaputra delta.  Both erosion and accretion can be found sporadically with erosion being the main characteristic. The northern part of Gangasagar Island was observed to be detached from the islet of Ghoramara episodically between 1903-19014. The time span of 1922-1997 saw maximum erosion at Shibpur-Boatkhali area with recession rates as high as 23.8 m/y with 6 m frontal dune and series of embankments being obliterated (Bandyopadhyay, 1997). Erosion at Gangasagar Island has been so frequent that the Kapil Muni temple a shrine of great cultural significance had to be shifted about six times since it was built. The earliest recorded temple (Anon, 1841; Wilson, 1846) was submerged in mid-19th century. A number of temporary temples were constructed subsequently (O Malley, 1914; Mitra, 1954; Ray, 1971). Though a permanent building was constructed in the year 1961 but it too got eroded. The present temple was constructed in 1973, some 1.5 km inside the spring tide line (Bandyopadhyay, 1997).  Interestingly, an erosion accretion cycle got superposed over the dominant erosive pattern at the southern sector between Gangasagar and Basantapur since 1922-23. This region retrograded during 1922- 1942, prograded during 1942-1969, retrograded again during 196869 – 1975 and was almost stable during 1975-1997. Small islands in the Baratala branch to the east of Sagar Island grew and disappeared bearing testimony to the ephemeral nature of Hugli estuary. A fusion of Kabasgadi Island to the left bank of the estuary between 1967-68 and 2001 was observed. The widening of the Baratala river throughout previous 200 years remarked that Sagar was attached to the area to its east sometimes in the past (Bandyopadhyay, 2000). Long term oscillations in the thalweg of Hugli are observed and changes in the islands of Hugli estuary are linked to the changes in its tidal channels and sand ridges. Reworking of sediments by wave action plays an important role in regulating the ephemeral nature of islands in Hugli estuary. Moreover, the islands are characterized by cyclical patterns of erosion and accretion and this strongly discards the model of sea level rise.  Even in the 80s, Muriganga river was accessible, better than the present times. Vessels used to ply regularly from Lot no 8 of Kakdwip to Kochuberia of Gangasagar Island. The journey was hassle free unlike today when vessel service needs to be kept closed for at least 5 hours daily as there is a risk of getting obstructed by bars. Even the coastline was different; one had to walk for about 2 km crossing sandy path. The sandy beach was interspersed with runnels (depressed areas filled with clay) and beach berms (sand dunes). One had to cross a tidal creek to reach Beguakhali to the east from Gangasagar. This path was laden with mangrove patch. A lighthouse was present even then about 500 m from sea. High sand dunes were present in Tapovan area. Concrete embankment which was created in 2022 March breached within September 2022. Even high concrete embankments broke down during cyclone Sitrang of 2023.     Fig 1: Erosion accretion scenario of Gangasagar Island  Previously, during the 80s, Gangasagar creek was surrounded by mangrove patch and to its east, a sand ridge used to block the creek perpendicularly. At some places these sand ridges were 30-40 feet high. Even sand encroachment at Raspur, Basantapur villages were observed previously. Even past remnants of zamindari embankments used to get exposed in these areas along with exposure of tree trunks.  This bears testimony to the fact that there was a forested stretch to the southern portion of these settlements. For the previous 30 years, these areas have been experiencing beach lowering.   Gangasagar Island has lost about 12.982 km2 and gained about 10.244 km2 within 1968 and 2021. Erosion persists more in the north east and south east portions adjacent to Kochuberia, Haradhanpur, Dhablat and Beguakhali to the west.  SL NO ISLAND UNITS     Area (km2)     1920 1968 1978 1988 2006 2019 2021 2023 2025 1 G Plot 57.2 55.7 51.9 50.4 42.4 41.8 41.6 41.8 41.2 2 Mousuni 30.6 30.2 33.3 27.6 29.4 28.1 27 26.7 25.8 3 Sagar  242.9 258.8 248 253.4 236.8 240.2 235.7 231.5 4 Namkhana 154.4 157.4 155.3 156.4 151.9 145.3 147.7 147.1 146.2  Displacement of residents from Ghoramara and conflict:  People of Lohachara and Khashimara (Ghoramara) have been rehabilitated at Dhablat, where at present 267 families reside. Presently, agriculture relies on paddy and khesari (pulses). Freshwater supply has resulted in cultivation of Aman paddy and potatoes in the winter. Watermelon is no longer profitable. Also, people of Lohachara have bought land at Kakdwip. Literacy is high in Gangasagar Island but outmigration is common among the young generation.   Connectivity has increased at Gangasagar Island, which is a sign of development according to the local residents. All small and big tourist resorts, even the government bungalows get filled during Gangasagar Mela. Erosion has increased in the past 4-5 years. People demand concrete Aila bandh (15 ft deep) to be constructed in front of Kapil Muni temple. Gunny bags are provided to protect the area adjacent to Kapil Muni temple just before Gangasagar mela.  Displaced to Displaced from Year Brief description Phuldubi             (80-85 families) Khashimara, Ghoramara 1964 Each family was given 0.533 ha of land from the Government Dakshin Haradhanpur (50                    families approximately) Khasimara 1964 Each family was given 0.533 ha of land from the Government Bankimnagar Lohachara 1972 Each family was given 0.883 ha of land from the Government. Bankimnagar Colony Fisherman Cooperative Society was established. Gangasagar Colony Ghoramara 1981 Each family was given 0.267 ha of land from the Government and one room earthen house was given. Jibantala Kamalpur Lohachara, Ghoramara 1983 Each family was provided with asbestos roof pucca house and 0.2 ha land.      Plate 2: In front of Kapil Muni Temple, 2026 (Photo credit: Dr Kanailal Das)  It is thus of no doubt that Kapil Muni temple awaits yet another shift. However, the timeline may be disputed upon. Wave dashing engulfs the sea facing islands and Gangasagar Island is no exception in this case. Options like offshore breakwater and artificial coral reefs have been thought about but these options are not only exorbitant but also are sure to cause other knock on effects on the natural systems operating here.   References:  Bandyopadhyay S. (1997): Coastal erosion and its management in Sagar Island, South 24 Parganas, West Bengal Indian JournalEarth Sci. 24(3-4) 51-69 https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.7264120. Bandyopadhyay S. (2000): Coastal changes in the perspective of long term evolution of an estuary: Hugli, West Bengal, India, Proc. Int. Quat. Seminar on INQUA shoreline, Indian Ocean Sub-Commission: 103-115.  Bandyopadhyay S. and Bandyopadhyay M. K. (1996): Retrogradation of the western Ganga-delta, India and Bangladesh, Possible reasons. In. Tiwary, R.C. (ed.), Proceedings of 6th conference of Indian Institute of Geomorphologists, National Geographer, 31(1&2): 105-128. Bandyopadhyay S., Kar N.S., Dasgupta S., Mukherjee D. and Das A. (2023): Island area changes in the sundarban region of the abandoned western ganga–brahmaputra– meghna delta, India and Bangladesh, Geomorphology 422 (2023) 108482, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.geomorph.2022.108482. Mitra R (2013): Need of a paradigm shift in disaster management approach: A case study from coastal Sundarbans presented in 7th Biennial Conference Indian Society for Ecoloical Economics (INSEE) Global Change, Ecosystem Sustainability. O Malley’ L.S.S. (1914): Bengal District Gazetteers: 24 Parganas (Bengal Secretariat Book Depot, Calcutta) 1914. Paul A. K. (2002): Coastal geomorphology and environment published by acb publications. Paul A.K. (1991): Effective management strategies for the coast of West Bengal J. Geogr. Rev. India 53, pp 60-74. Pethick J (1994): Estuaries and Wetlands: Function and form In Wetland Management, edited by Falconer, R.A. and Goodwin P (Thomas Tetford), London 1994, pp 75-142. Ray A.K. (1971): The Gangasagar Fair (In Bengali), In Mitra, A. Ed. Religious Festivals and Fairs of West Bengal in Bengali, 3 (24 Parganas district), Govt of India (Census Operations), New Delhi, 255-271.   ...Read more

10 Sep 2026

  SummaryThe present is tumultuous with all kinds of disasters looming in and guess what, we are to blame mostly. In the actively changing and evolving Himalayas, claws of so called development seep in causing the Himalayas to bleed and the rivers changing their courses, changing their planform, often flooding and leaving millions homeless. Be it the charlands of West Bengal or the upstream stretches of Ganges in the Himalayas, anthropogenic activities in the form of river engineering, development of smart cities, river linking projects and what not, we are interrupting with the fluvial dynamics only to get doomed.  Avulsion and shifts in river courses are characterized by scouring of riverbed and banks. These phenomena are common in case of Himalayan rivers and have been on the increase in the Anthropocene. Humans can completely alter a river system turning it into a controlled one by damming its course, by flow diversion, by dredging or clearing the channel, by straightening the channel pattern or by increasing its supply via an artificial channel. In order to control flooding and river bank erosion, channels are frequently modified. Modifications of channels often include channel widening, channel deepening, artificially cutting meanders and even channel straightening. This jeopardizes the hydrologic regime. Also, if channelization occurs, higher flows are often found downstream as the water rushes out of the channelized reach. High backwaters are resulted, resulting channel deposition lowering the channel capacity.   A direct change in the river system is caused when dams are constructed. The hydrologic regime is altered by flow regulation, decreasing peak flows and increasing low flow. As a result, sediment transport capacity is modified inducing erosion and deposition affecting channel morphology. Dams also cause deposition in and above the reservoirs which thereby lose their capacity to retain water. Spillway water from dams is devoid of sediment load and thus tends to erode the channel immediately downstream.  The case of Aswan dam can be cited as an example where scour erosion is noted in the lower reaches, with a lean sediment transport and downstream erosion as the flow is regulated. Increase in depth and decrease in width is also reported for other channels which have experienced dam construction.  Morphologic discourse of the Ganga valley leads to its classification into 7 segments (Singh and Singh, 1992). Variation in discharge, sediment load, ground slope, anthropogenic activities and tectonics result in variation in channel morphology (Valdiya, 2003). Geology, geomorphology, climate alongwith human influence modifies fluvial dynamics. The outer Himalayan belt consists of recently uplifted Siwalik of Miocene Pliestocene detritus filled sediments – coarse sandstones, clays and conglomerates. Except the Siwaliks, the concerned region is a portion of the Ganga megafan and this surface shows several north-south aligned drainage channels (Shukla et al., 2001). This region is deeply incised by the active Ganga River and other rivers. Active incision of channel over the megafan surface is evidenced by the prominent channel scarps.  Over the years, channel sedimentation with the formation of channel bars in Ganga and other rivers is observed. Decline in the number of bars accompanied with increase in size of the bars indicates rapid silt deposition. Sandbars are observed to change occasionally during floods. The shifting nature of Ganga channel is evidenced by the presence of an abandoned channel within the cross section situated below the Chandi bridge, located on the left bank of river Ganga at Nildhara area.  The Bhimgoda barrage is located on river Ganga at Har ki Pauri. It was built as the headworks of upper Ganges canal. The initial barrage was completed by 1854. Replaced twice, the barrage was completed in 1983. The primary purpose of the barrage was irrigation; it was also used to generate hydroelectricity and used for flood control. The barrage has a length of 454 m and a spillway capacity of 19,300 m3/s.  The local geomorphology of the Ganga River is significantly altered due to the construction of the Bhimgoda barrage as it results in huge diversion of water into the upper Ganga canal. This leads to excessive in channel sedimentation in both upstream and downstream courses interrupting the natural channel equilibrium. As a result, the flow velocity is reduced in the lean periods with the reduction in monsoonal rainfall. The braided floodplain dynamics also gets altered as a result.  The Bhimgoda barrage diverts the the river water into the upper Ganga canal for hydroelectric power generation. Studies indicate that water velocity of river Ganga is about 1-1.9 m/s in the Haridwar region after the Bhimgoda barrage (Kumar et al., 2023).  There have been drastic changes in water discharge, sediment concentration and calculated sediment load before and after the construction of the Bhimgoda barrage. The water discharge was uninterrupted with high velocities (reaching up to 1.5-2 m/s), with massive flushes during monsoon. Post construction, this discharge has become fractioned upto 300-400 cumecs are permanently diverted out of the river into the canal system. Sediment concentration was highly variable before the construction (varying from <50 mg/l in winter to >2000 mg/l in monsoons). Post construction sediment concentration has become high upstream of the gates, heavily diluted getting finer downstream due to sediment trapping. The calculated sediment load used to pass uniformly downstream scaling up to 8 million tonnes/day across the upper Ganga. Post construction this has been disrupted, massive trapping upstream now leads to a drastically lower calculated sediment load footprint in the downstream riverine stretch.  Braiding index according to Brice has been calculated for this stretch for the years 1916,1972,2005 and 2026. The braiding index in 1916 was 7.347, for 1972 it was 6.76, in 2005 it was 5.4779 and in 2026 it increased to 6.26.                                                                           Fig 1: Location of Bhimgoda barrage and change in braiding immediately upstream and downstream of the barrage (1916,1972,2005,2025)        Source: SurveyofIndia toposheets 53K/1 and Google Earth Imagery)  Photo 1: Braiding and bar formation in the vicinity of Bhimgoda barrage (Dutta, 2001)  Fig 1: Changes in braiding at Haridwar, with location of Bhimgoda barrage (1916,1972,2005,2025 – Source: Survey of India toposheets 53K/1 and Google Earth Imagery)  Increase in braiding index indicates that a river is shifting from a single channel into a more complicated network of multiple branching channels which rejoin each other and are separated by islands or sandbars. Often this indicates higher sediment loads, unstable banks and changing water flows. There is also more fluctuation of discharge. Factors like flatter slope leads to a velocity drop, initiating sediment deposition and weak riverbanks which can collapse easily widening the active channel belt. Increase in stream power can also cause increasing braids. Anthropic interference in the form of river engineering works thus often lead to modifications in fluvial dynamics interrupting the morphologic equilibrium of rivers.  References:  Dutta R.K. (2017): Controlling Factors of Channel Shifting and Avulsion in Haridwar District, Uttarakhand Geographical Review of India 79(2) June 2017, 153-167 Kumar D, Kumar A, Malik D.S., Sharma R and Gupta V (2023): Effect of Barrages and Anthropogenic Activities on Ecological Integrity of the Ganga River: A Review on  Current Issues and Restoration Efforts AgroEnvironmental Sustainability, 2023, 1(1), 67-75 https://doi.org/10.00000/s2023010109  Shukla, U. K., Singh, I. B., Sharma, M., & Sharma, S. (2001). A model of alluvial megafan sedimentation: Ganga Megafan. Sedimentary Geology, 14, 243–262. Singh, M., & Singh, I. B. (1992). The Ganga River Valley: Alluvial valley in an active foreland basin. In 29th International Geological Conference, Kyoto, 2 (p. 30). Japan. Valdiya K.S. (2003): Reactivation of Himalayan Frontal Fault, Current Science, 85(7), 2001 1031-1040. ABOUT AUTHOR  Dr Karabi Das, Masters in Geography from University of Calcutta, former Senior Research Fellow, UGC, PhD on Physical and Socioeconomic changes in the Indian Sundarban is presently working as Assistant Professor of Geography, Dr Kanailal Bhattacharyya College, Howrah.She has participated in many national and international seminars and has 12 papers and 10 book chapters to her credit.Her areas of interest include Fluvial Geomorphology, river in equilibrium and human environment relationship. ...Read more

09 Sep 2026

SummaryIn an era when the world is perturbed with ecological flow of rivers and river health, man made lakes and natural rivers of Hyderabad are in deep crisis, gasping for breath. In the Anthropocene, maintaining health of the waterbodies seems to be a gruesome challenge. The article hereby takes up all these issues hoping for a better future.  Rivers and lakes of Hyderabad are facing severe ecological decline. The major lakes and rivers of Hyderabad and Secunderabad are now considered as poorly rated water quality basins and water flows. Highly polluted untreated sewage, millions of litres of waste are directly meeting the river stretch and urban lakes. Besides, unchecked chemical discharge from nearby manufacturing and industrial centres, dumping of construction debris, plastic waste, and uncontrolled encroachment have led to the degeneration of the river and water bodies of Hyderabad and Secunderabad.  The impact of the degeneration:  Oxygen depletion ------ very low DO, dissolved oxygen even drops down to 0.3mg/l as it is in Durgam Cheruvu ------------ Biologically dead water ------ considered lowest grade 'E quality ' as in Asanikunta and Sunam Cherevu ---- unfit for any public use or ecological use ------------ stagnant water --------- infamous breeding grounds of disease carrying mosquitoes.  Historical Musi River:  Once dynamic and wider, River Musi, a tributary of river Krishna, flows right past the Southern edge of Osmania General Hospital. The river Musi in Hyderabad is heavily polluted with millions of litres of daily untreated domestic sewage, toxic industrial and pharmaceutical waste. Besides urban encroachment and loss of wetlands due to urban expansion have led to the shrinkage of natural water flow and natural vegetation cover.  As per archaeological evidences the oldest settlement on the Musi River bank date back to the 5th century, when Vishnu Kundinis built their capital to the south bank of the river at Indrapalanagar. But the power centres on the Musi River moved westwards to the interior parts of Telengana. The famous Golconda fort is on the north bank of the river.  Musi, popularly known Machukunda, is a major tributary of the Krishna River in Telangana, India. It is flowing through the heart of the Hyderabad city separating old city from the modern urban settlement. It originates from the hill Avantagiri and flows about 250 km before merging with the Krishna River at Vedapalli. Musi is formed by the convergence of two small rivers, the Esi and the Musa. In the late 16th century, Muhammad Quil Qutb Shah found Hyderabad on the banks of Musi River for the expansion of settlement beyond the crowded Golconda fort. A bridge named Purana Pul (old bridge) was constructed in the late 16th century to connect the capital of Golconda.  Even in the 19th century, Musi was a wide, dynamic and ecologically vibrant river. The banks and the ghats of the river Musi experienced many cultural activities of the settlements along the river. The river was then associated with green spaces, temples, washing ghats and grand palaces belonging to the Nizams. People of the nearby settlements used daily for fishing, farming, rituals and drinking water needs.  Bathukamme:  It is a vibrant nine -day floral festival celebrated by the women in Telengana to honour Goddess Gauri and worship nature. Women gather in circles around floral arrangement clapping rhythmically and singing traditional folk songs. Then the Bathukamma, the floral arrangements looking like a conical hill of flowers are floated in water of river Musi. The festival marks praising womanhood, life and nature.  Muharram:  The river Musi served as the traditional culminating point for processions with ceremonial alams. These are brought to the waterfront, sometimes alams are immersed in the river. An alam is crescent - and - star shaped decorative metal ornaments capping a mosque’s dome or minaret. Shia Muslims carry the alams, which represent justice, sacrifice, and the eternal victory of truth over tyranny.  Livelihoods:  Generation after generation washer folks (Dhobis) utilised traditional ghats of the river Musi for community trade and daily urban life. Fig 1: Two stretches of Musi River, 1975 (Source: Survey of India Toposheet no 56K/7, 56K/11)  Fig 2: Musi River, 2026 (Source: Google Earth Image)    Photo 1: Musi river in 2026 (Photo credit: author)  What is the present scenario?  1.  Now the river is reduced to a mostly dry or sluggish water flow within the city. The flow of the river Musi is now being controlled by building two reservoirs named Osman Sagar and Himayat Sagar. The reservoirs were designed for drinking water and flood control.  2. The downstream section of the river has deteriorated from a historic water lifeline to ecologically dead water flow. About 1,00,000 residents across at least 30 downstream villages are highly affected by the polluted stretch of the river.  3.Recent environmental studies indicate that the Musi is one of the most pharmaceutical contaminated rivers. Massive volumes of dumped pain killers, antibiotics and cardiac medicine have created a major global hotspot for drug - resistant bacteria. This has caused loss of efficacy of common medical treatments for the locals.  4. Downstream communities are experiencing severe chronic illness, high rate of kidney disease, skin allergies, stomach infections and various types of cancers, food chain contamination.  5. Over 1.5 lakh acres of agricultural land use this toxic water for the production of crops like cotton, vegetables and paddy. Heavy metals like lead, nickel and chromium are abundantly present in soil, crops, vegetables and local fish. Toxic substances are returning to the plates of Hyderabad residents.  6. Shallow borewells and open wells in the villages along the Musi River are drawing highly saline and contaminated water unfit for consumption as toxic substances reach the local ground water table.  What are the measures taken by the Telengana Government?  The Government of Telengana established Musi River Rejuvenation Project, MRRP. The State Cabinet formally approved 7,345 crore rupees for the execution of core phase 1.  1.Phase 1 execution plan includes on ground cleaning and restoration across a 21 km priority corridor stretching from the Osman Sagar and Himayat Sagar catchment down to Bapu ghat.  2. Sewage Treatment Plants, STP’s, are installed across Hyderabad suburbs. Daily 1,500 million litres of waste water are treated in the plants.  3. Social Rehabilitation: The Government approved allotment of 15,000 double bed room along with financial compensation for legally titled property owners.  4. Urban land and buffer zoning: Boundary along the riverbeds is enforced to clear illegal dump yards and to stop further encroachment of the areas adjacent to riverbed.  Community participation and citizens’ movement:  1. Musi Jan Andolan, MJA, an independent non - political platform-initiated movement to safeguard the Musi River and protect the thousands of families living along the river.  MJA highlights that over 36% of the total project budget is allocated for concrete heavy infrastructure, multi lane roads, bridges, toe walls and retaining walls.  MJA demands tree plantation all along the stretch of the riverbank. The organisation warns that replacing natural river banks with the concrete creates urban heat island effect. Again, it will destroy native vegetation and prevent natural ground water recharge.  2. Community participation in cleaning the river is urgently necessary. The residents of the Hyderabad and Secunderabad should be aware of the result of the death of a once wide and dynamic river like Musi.  The residents should play active role against the dumping of the toxic substances along the riverbank. The pharmaceutical waste must be collected from the hospitals regularly by the concerned authority and the community participation is needed to monitor the matter.  Contaminated and untreated waste water from the houses of the municipal wards should be treated in the treatment plants before mixing with the river water.  Traditional festivals along the river Musi must be restored so that the people can play active role in protecting the river from drying.  RK Puram lake:  The Ramkrishna Puram Lake (RK Puram Lake), originally Mukidigan Cherevu, was constructed by the Nizam in 1798. It was once a massive 100 -acre water reservoir to support the growing Secunderabad cantonment area. The lake was clean up to 1960 and the lake served as a major drinking water source for nearby villages and colonies. It was famous nesting place of migratory birds. Now the lake area came down from 100 acres to only 40 acres. After 1960 following the establishment of public sector unit and housing society the lake became the site of domestic sewage and garbage.  Ramkrishna Puram lake in Hyderabad faces severe degeneration due to unchecked sewage inflows, garbage dumping and uncontrolled encroachment. Once the lake was a highly attractive and beautiful destination, now the urban settlements around the lake experience urban flooding during heavy rain almost every year. Once it was an important reservoir of flood waters.  Causes of degeneration:  1. Untreated domestic waste water are supplied to the lake for years. This had blocked the storm water channels.  2. Rapid urbanization around the lake, primarily due to the availability of water, had caused shrinkage of the lake bed areas.  3. Low lying residential colonies get regularly under water during monsoon. Again, during lean period heavy algae growth foster ideal breeding grounds for disease carrying mosquitoes.  4. Rapid urbanization around the lake and subsequent withdrawal of groundwater in huge amount made the situation worse. Groundwater depletion in and around the lake RK Puram is related to the expansion of urban settlements. Again, natural percolation of surface water during monsoon is being hindered due concrete surface area expansion.    Fig 3: RK Puram lake in 1978 and in 2026 (Source: Survey of India toposheet and Google Earth Image)  Photo 2: RK Puram lake in 2026 (Photo credit: author)  Initiatives to be taken:  1. Illegal constructions around the lake area should be stopped.  2. The lake must not be the natural dumping ground of the urban waste material  3. Regular monitoring of the change in areas of the water surface of the lake.  4. Change detection with the help of satellite images should be done time to time.  5. Seasonal water depth variations should be observed and the data must be restored for restoration of the lake.  6. Auditing inflow points and mapping all storm water drains ensuring rainwater inflow into the lake.  7. Construction debris and sediments should not be allowed to inflow with the rainwater during monsoon.  8. Stopping plastic and trash dumping which is reducing the water holding capacity of the lake.  9. To check the bank failures along the circular pathway for the walkers. Local people are of the opinion that the lake is also experiencing climate change impacts, mainly changing rainfall pattern of the region. In recent past the region experienced enough rainfall during monsoon. K. Shridhar, a local resident with his friends told that in their teens, before thirty years, they enjoyed swimming in the lake. This year also the region has experienced below normal rainfall.  Hossain Sagar:  Even the large Hossain Sagar in Hyderabad (spanning about 5.7sq km) is currently dealing with environmental challenges including high pollution, heavy algal bloom and foul odours. The Hossain Sagar Lake in Hyderabad was built in 1562 AD across the river Musi during the Qutb Shahi dynasty to meet the drinking water needs of the growing settlement outside Golconda fort. The lake was the primary drinking water source for Hyderabad as the lake physically separates the core of Hyderabad from Secunderabad.  It is now an important tourist destination of Telengana with its beautiful necklace roads and the statue of Lord Buddha on the Gibraltar Rock in the middle of the lake.  Fig 4: Hussain Sagar in 1975 and 2026 (Source: Survey of India toposheet and Google Earth Image)  Photo 3: Hussain Sagar in 2026 (Photo credit: author)  Major initiatives taken:  1.Multiple STPs are set up around the lake to check the mixing of untreated sewage inflows.  2.To check the mixing of dry weather sewage from feeder drains like Banjara nala, Picket nala and Balkapur nala diversion structures are constructed.  3. Constant removal activity of floating solid waste.  4. Hossain Sagar Lake and catchment Area Improvement Project was launched in 2006 to upgrade sewerage infrastructure and manage nutrients- rich sediments.  But the result of the initiatives is not satisfactory:  The STPs and interception and diversions systems are not capable to tackle the problem in eradicating the pollution of the lake.  National Green Tribunal, NGT, indicated that nearly 376. 5 million litres per day of waste is still entering the lake.  Balanagar industrial area is still supplying highly toxic chemicals through the Kukatpally nala.  Reports from CAG and the Pollution control Board stated that the lakes Dissolved oxygen, DO, level dropped down below 3 mg/l, while The Central Pollution Control Board recommends 6 mg/ l for a healthy water body.  Citizens Role:  1. Stop single use plastic  2. Segregate waste properly.  3. Traditional Plaster of Paris idols should be discarded, Eco-friendly clay idols for Ganesh chaturthi and Durga should be made, immersion of the idols should be stopped directly in Hossain Sagar, may be immersed in baby ponds.  4. Communities living along the Kukatpally nala should check the mixing of untreated waste by installing simple wire -mesh trash traps at the community drains.  5. Community participation will include vigilance and reporting and giving support by making local lake warrior groups.ABOUT AUTHOR Dr Kanailal DasMasters in Geography from University of Calcutta, former senior research fellow, CSIR, PhD on Vulnerability of Gosaba, Basanti, Sundarban from Vidyasagar University.He has participated in many national and international seminars and has papers and book chapters to his credit.     ...Read more

31 Aug 2026

Summary Actively evolving Himalayas have spread their wrath once again, at present the World is gripped with the images of Glacial Lake Outburst Flood (GLOF) of Nepal, this year. Recent episodes of urbanization and developments in the name of mega infrastructure have disturbed Himalayas to such an extent that disasters have become much more frequent than ever. The Kedarnath disaster of 2013 had popularized the term GLOF, acronym of Glacial Lake Outburst Flood. This year has witnessed another such episode in Nepal following the one at South Lhonak Lake of Sikkim in 2023. Glacial lake outburst flood (GLOF) takes place when ice blocks with huge number of rocks fall down in the glacial lakes supplying great amount of water and debris. The water holding capacity of the glacial lakes exceeds and after breaching the morainic embankment, water gushes out flooding the entire surrounding. By Dr Kanailal Das Fig 1: Glacial Lake Outburst Flood, a schematic diagram (Source: Antarcticglaciers.org)  An unimaginable disastrous flash flood flood took place in Nepal Tibet border on 26th August, 2026 at the confluence of Bhote Koshi and Trishuli rivers. Primarily it was established that a huge block of glacier collapsed and fell nearly 1000m downstream. This block of ice with englacial moraines (rocks within the glacier) instantly supplied enormous water and glacial debris. Generally, all glaciers have glacial lakes where glaciers start melting. Snow melt water beneath the glaciers is common in the high mountains. Thousands of glacial lakes beneath the glaciers are commonly found in Indian Himalayas. Fig 2: Locations affected by the flash flood (Source: NDTV Datafy)Nepal -Tibet border disaster has destroyed large number of bridges, roads, buildings and hydro power infrastructure. Rescue operations were very tough due to rugged terrain. The local community of the settlement was under the thick layer of mud and remnants of the collapsed infrastructure.     Course of events in Nepal disaster: High mountains - steep slopes - glacial melting due to warming - detached glacial block - huge amounts of debris and water supplied to glacial lake - breaching of the lake boundary - lake outburst - flow of water, mud and debris - settlement and infrastructure along the river swept away - bridges and road connectivity wiped away - death and missing humans and animals.   Fig 3: Pre and Post scenario of Nepal flood (The Economist, moneycontrolcom, abc news)  The disaster took place of August 26, 2026 occurred at the Gyirong - Rasuwagadhi gorge. It is the point where crossing roads via the Himalayas is possible between Nepal and China. The narrow place between two rivers is associated with hydro power infrastructure, heavily constructed zone of roads, custom facility and trade. The route across the location was being used by thousands of Mount Kailash pilgrims. Before 2011 the crossing was associated with very little infrastructure development with a rough road connectivity. The area experienced earthquake and landslides in the year 2015. A bridge was badly damaged. In 2017, the crossing was upgraded as an international dry port between Nepal and China. China also built a new bridge, 110 m Friendship Bridge beside the earthquake- damaged crossing site. The crossing and the dry port areas became an area of dense infrastructural development. Again, in July, 2025 a flash flood swept away the bridge. After that a temporary Bailey bridge had reopened the crossing. Number of missing people rises to 2,482, including 320 Indians, as Nepal disaster toll hits 584. Nepal accounted for 579 deaths and 1,924 missing and Tibet reported five death and 558 missing.  Rescue teams on both sides of the border were repeatedly forced to reassess and retreat Fryday as an unstable barrier lake overflowed into Bhote Koshi river, sent a fresh surge downstream and halted rescue. After a brief interval, another Avalanche dumped an estimated 50,000 cubic metres of ice debris. Satellite images showed post disaster formation of a great lake in the course of the river. 13 bridges along the river were swept away as the disastrous flood hit Rasuwa district of Nepal. Road connectivity was heavily destroyed. It took an arduous 50 hours after the mighty flash flood for the Chinese rescue teams to reach the core disaster zone around Gyirong dry port on Nepal - Tibet border using boats, ropes and heavily - lift drones. Thirty-seven tourists from West Bengal are missing in Nepal. A total of 39 persons of West Bengal were missing. Two of them have been rescued.    Fig 4: Satellite imagery showing aftermath of Nepal Flash Flood, 2026 (EU Space Program) Nepal is now monitoring the mountain glaciers near the glacier collapse zone. Satellite images show cracks in the glacier raising concern over fresh flash floods. Some information regarding the loss of life: The Times of india,28th August reported : No trace of 50 persons from Maharashtra and 37 from Tamilnadu. Among the Indians untraced in the Nepal Disaster 50 Kailash Manasa Sarovar yatris were from Maharashtra. At least 37 out of 57 pilgrims from Tamil Nadu and Puducherry are missing. Isha Sadhguru X Post :The whereabouts of 77 foreign nationals of Isha Foundation's Kailash Yatra, part of Isha Sacred Walks remained missing after the china immigration check post at Gyirong in Tibet was swallowed by the running water wall.  On August 27, 84 Indian nationals were rescued from Nepal including 63 workers at under - construction Trishuli 1 hydro power project. Around 200 Indian pilgrims on the Tibet side seek help for evacuation. Five groups of Indian pilgrims are missing till date. According to the latest reports the death toll from the Bhote Koshi -Trishuli disaster rose to 675 in Nepal on Saturday night, with 2,426 people still missing. Rescue teams are engaged in searching operations in glacial debris filled valleys, riverbanks and the tunnels of hydro power projects. Chinese authorities reported seven deaths and 554 people missing at Gyirong dry port on Saturday morning. Indian authorities revised down the number of Indian nationals unaccounted for in Nepal to 275 on Saturday evening, saying contact was reestablished with about 50 people. (Vishant Agarwala,The Times of india, August 30, 2026). According to the geologists the speed of Bhote Koshi river flow exceeded 55 km /hour in some stretches of the river. That is 15.3 m per second. A man cannot run so fast, most probably a man can run 3/4 m per second. In some parts of the river valley where there was no highland to take shelter men ran over the pathway along the river valley and got submerged within the swift disastrous flow of water and glacial debris. At the time of disaster there was no such heavy rainfall. The sky was almost fully clear. A shopkeeper of Trishuli market in Nuyakote said, “We were warned by the local authority to leave the market as soon as possible, we got a brief time to save us, but my family is lost." A bus carrying Manas Saravor pilgrims took a shelter in a comparatively high place, but some buses in front of us got no time and washed away in the surge with the pilgrims. Mallinath Kalkundi of Kanatataka told the reporter after the incident. However, danger lurks somewhere: The disaster is not over Satellite images indicate in the upstream there are two glacial lakes, one of the two lakes is full to the brim with huge amount of snow melt water. There is high probability of another glacial lake outburst flood in the same region. Glacial Lake Outburst Flood: Episodes from Indian Himalayas Thirteen glacial lakes in Uttarakhand in India are highly vulnerable for glacial lake outburst flood. In Indian Himalayas around 200 glacial lakes are recorded as unsafe and 25 of these lakes are considered of very high risk. The glacial Lake Outburst Flood, (GLOF) disaster in Nepal Wednesday, 26 August, 2026, has revived discussion on monitoring and management of the glacial lakes in Indian Himalayas. Himalayan ranges are the host of as many as 7,500 of them and 4,700 glacial lakes are situated in Ganga river basin with a catchment area over 2.5 lakh km2. One of the worst GLOF took place on October 3 midnight, 2023 producing 14.7 cubic metres glacial debris in the South Lhonak Lake in Sikkim. Several hydro power assets and settlements downstream were wiped out. This is a classic example of how a GLOF can transform a highaltitude glacial detachment into a major regional disaster.  Glacial block detachment - ice with englacial moraines - supply of water and glacial debris - water holding capacity of South Lhonak Lake exceeded - Lake Outburst took place -- huge amount of water and glacial debris supply to the Teesta water - hydro power infrastructure and part of settlement were wiped away - affected settlements downstream, causing loss of life and resources.   Fig 5: Pre and post South Lhonak Lake outburst (ICIMOD; Sattar et al., 2021) In June 2013 the famous Kedarnath Temple region and the settlements along the river Mandakini experienced rainfall induced glacial lake outburst flood.   Cloud burst, Extreme rainfall - rapid melting of snow and ice - landslides - debris supply to the lake behind Kedarnath Temple - Chora Bari Lake outburst - devastating flood around Kedarnath Temple and Mandakini river valley - Rambara settlement was completely destroyed.  Fig 6: Pre, syn and post flood situation, Kedarnath, 2013 (Bandyopadhyay and Kar, 2014) Other worst affected areas were Gaurikund, Sonprayag - Guptkashi, Agastyamuni and Rudraprayag. According to Government assessment 169 persons were dead and 4,021 people were reported missing. But local information indicated thousands of people were dead. The Kedarnath Disaster affected more than nine million people across Uttarakhand in various ways, including loss of homes, roads, bridges, communication and livelihoods. Rapid climate change causing glacial melting accentuates the genesis of GLOFs. As we tend to speeden up our so-called development in the name of smart cities and macro infrastructure the ensuing flood gups the whole settlement in seconds. Himalayas is still actively evolving, with unstable debris which is geologically very fragile and any unplanned construction without catering to the geology and climate is sure to invite apocalypse.  Response to Glacial Lake Outburst Floods: As a response to the Sikkim disaster National Disaster Management Authority, NDMA had set up a high-level coordination committee on GLOF disaster risk reduction. To take necessary steps to lessen the severity of the GLOF: Identifying the high mountains glacier - monitoring the change in the size of glaciers - Mapping the glacial lakes - monitoring the change in the volume of water in the glacial lakes - identifying the lakes at risk - initiative to stabilize the lakes at risk - controlled outflow of water if possible - establish an early warning system - evacuation of people - vulnerable zones of lake outburst flood, landslides should be avoided for settlement and infrastructure development. References: Bandyopadhyay S and Kar N.S. (2014): The Kedarnath Disaster: in search of scientific reasoning, Current Science, 107(4):557  https://www.icimod.org/press-release/new-scientific-study-confirms-climate-changeplayed-key-role-in-deadly-2023-lake-outburst-in-sikkim/ https://abcnews.com/International/deadly-nepal-flood-caused-enormous-landslideglacier-tumble/story?id=135984405 What caused Nepal flood? Scientist says it was enormous landslide, glacier fall https://eu-space.europa.eu/components/earth-observation-copernicus/image-of-theday/aftermath-nepal-flash-flood https://www.economist.com/science-and-technology/2026/08/27/the-terrifyingmechanics-of-the-nepali-flash-floodSattar A, Goswami A, Kulkarni A.V., Emmer A, Haritasya U.K., Allen S, Frey H and Huggel C (2021): Future Glacial Lake Outburst Flood (GLOF) hazard of the South Lhonak Lake, Sikkim Himalaya, Geomorphology, 388 (2021) 107783 https://doi.org/10.1016/j.geomorph.2021.107783 Vishant Agarwala, Tamaghna Bannerjee Chandrima Bannerjee, The Times of India, Saturday, August 29,2026.ABOUT AUTHOR  Dr Kanailal Das Masters in Geography from University of Calcutta, former senior research fellow, CSIR, PhD on Vulnerability of Gosaba, Basanti, Sundarban from Vidyasagar University.He has participated in many national and international seminars and has papers and book chapters to his credit.  ...Read more

24 Aug 2026

Summary: Originally acclaimed as the kidney of Kolkata, the East Kolkata Wetlands suffer instances of encroachment in the form of settlements, agriculture and other land use changes. A Ramsar site, the role of East Kolkata Wetlands in Kolkata’s natural drainage and sewage system, water filtering by means of phytoplanktons and algae, maintaining urban micro climate, carbon sequestration and being a rich source of biodiversity can never be left unnoticed. Its time that the East Kolkata Wetlands are preserved for the betterment of our larger society.  Illegal encroachments have surfaced on the eastern fringes of Kolkata with residents accusing land sharks of once again targeting the East Kolkata wetlands (EKW), an internationally recognized Ramsar site by filling up a sprawling waterbody in Nayabad for suspected real estate development. A complaint has been lodged with urban development minister Agnimitra Paul, the Municipal Commissioner and the East Kolkata Wetland Management Authority, alleging that a large pond near Sadhubari on Nayabad Main Road, close to the Upohar Condominium off Eastern Metropolitan Bypass is being systematically filled up in broad daylight without any visible intervention from the authorities.   East Kolkata Wetlands has an area of 12,500 hectares with 254 sewage fed fisheries spread across 37 mouzas and is internationally considered to be a Ramsar site. Shrinking wetlands could increase urban flooding, destroy biodiversity, force huge spending on artificial drainage and contribute to urban heating as a result of change in weather.     Photo plate: East Kolkata Wetlands (Photo by Dr Kanailal Das, 2024)    Figure 1: Change of EKW through years (1922,1968,2026: prepared by author using Survey of India toposheets and Google Earth Imagery) As climate change brings more intense rainfall, these wetlands absorb these wetlands absorb enormous volumes of water. Losing these will worsen flooding, destroy livelihoods and force the city to spend hundreds of crores in preparing infrastructure for artificial drainage.  The latest allegations come six months after the January 26 blaze in Anandapur that killed 27 people inside a warehouse and an adjacent food manufacturing unit. Investigation later revealed that the gutted warehouses stood on land bordering or forming part of the East Kolkata Wetlands.   Locals and environmental activists alleged the operation follows a familiar pattern seen across the wetlands. Asbestos sheds are first erected; settlers are brought in and after a while the land is cleared for permanent residential or commercial structures.  The role of East Kolkata Wetlands as Kolkata’s natural wastewater treatment system, flood buffer and carbon sink cannot be looked down upon and the shrinking condition of this Ramsar site needs immediate and stringent action.  History of East Kolkata Wetlands: East Kolkata Wetlands owes its formation through the natural avulsions of river Bidyadhari. The evolution of East Kolkata Wetlands dates back to British colonial canal building into the world’s largest natural wastewater fed aquaculture and sewage treatment system and has gone a long way to become noted as Ramsar site.  Originally a marshy saline lake system of the 18th century, East Kolkata Wetlands abounded in fish and birds before tidal flows receded to leave freshwater environments. East Kolkata Wetlands treat about 60-80% of Kolkata’s sewage naturally as the world’s largest organic sewage management system, supporting almost 50,000 agro workers and supplying about 1/3rd of Kolkata’s fish requirement.  East Kolkata Wetlands got its name from late Dhrubajyoti Ghosh, Special Advisory (Agricultural Ecosystem) Commission on Ecosystem Management, who reached this incredible but neglected part of the city, while working as an engineer for the Water and Sanitation Department, Government of West Bengal on his quest for an answer to the question what exactly happens to the city sewage.  These natural waterbodies which were known just as fisheries provided the answer. Devised by the local fishermen and farmers, these wetlands served in effect as the natural sewage treatment plant for the city.  Despite protective legislation enacted since 2006, the East Kolkata Wetlands have experienced severe physical reduction. The total area declined approximately 65 sq km to 41 sq km within just 30 years. This is due to illegal land conversion. This continuous reduction in size has directly harmed the livelihoods of fishing communities and sewage farmers who depend on the ecosystem for their survival. In 1991 the West Bengal Government accepted an offer by a nonresident Indian to build a World Trade Centre and allotted 227 acres of wetlands for this purpose. As a result, the NGO “People United for Better Living in Calcutta (PUBLIC) filed a public interest litigation in the Calcutta High Court arguing for the importance of the wetlands and why they should be left unchanged. The order of Justice Umesh Chandra Bannerjee on this matter is considered a landmark judgement. As an outcome, the proposal for World Trade Centre was turned down in its original form and strict conditions were laid “I do not find any justiciable reason to disagree with the opinion expressed by the environmentalists that wetland should be preserved and no interference or reclamation should be permitted”.   Following the order of the Calcutta High Court in 1992 to its credit, the State Government did not appeal but accepted the ruling. In fact, the environment Secretary Kalyan Biswas applied for the East Calcutta Wetlands to be designed a “wetland of international importance” under the Ramsar Convention. This was observed in 2002.  Methods for Conservation:  To demarcate the boundaries of East Kolkata Wetlands. To take measures to stop, undo and prevent any unauthorized development project in EKW. To prevent, prohibit or restrict any mining, quarrying, blasting or other operations in EKW. To direct demolition or alteration of any hoarding frame, post, kiosk, structure, neon signed or sky sign erected, exhibited illegally for the purpose of advertisement on any land in EKW. To take measures to abate pollution in EKW and conserve the flora, fauna and biodiversity in general. To prepare action plans conforming to the resolutions taken and recommendations made from time to time underRamsar Convention and to update the land use maps of EKW. To promote research and disseminate findings of such research among the stakeholders. To raise awareness about the utility of the wetlands in general and the EKW in particular. To promote basic conservation principles like sewage fed pisciculture and ecotourism in the EKW. To enforce land use control in substantially waterbody-oriented areas of EKW. To detect changes of ecological characters and land use in EKW. To conduct enquiry or scientific study within the scope of the project.   About 100 species of flora have been recognized in and around EKW. Several kinds of water hyacinths across these wetlands. The area is also home to large numbers of coconut and betel nut trees. Varieties of vegetables like cauliflower, eggplant, pumpkin, sunflower are farmed.  Numerous species of fish are farmed in sewage fed ponds called bheries in EKW. These include silver carp, tilapia. The area is also home to the marsh mongoose and small Indian mongoose, Palm civet and small Indian Civet.  This sewage fed aquaculture is an example of potential carbon sink. East Kolkata Wetlands can sequester 1.9 MgC/ha/year, mitigating at least 118 Gg atmospheric CO2 per year. Also, carbon intake by harvested fish crop corresponds to 61 Gg CO2 per year rewarding US $ 3.6/kg blue carbon harvested. East Kolkata Wetlands act as vital natural thermal sink and sponge for Kolkata. They regulate the urban microclimate by moderating temperature gradients reducing the Urban Heat Island (UHI) effect maintaining ambient humidity through high evaporation rate and sequestering carbon. High rates of water surface evaporation sustainably regulate relative humidity in the eastern fringes of the urban sprawl. Abundant aquatic vegetation and phytoplankton generate large quantities of oxygen supporting cleaner local air circulation. The wetlands act as a natural retention basin that absorbs heavy monsoon downpours and slowly releases stored moisture during dry spell stabilizing local hydrological micro rhythms.    About Author Dr Karabi Das, Masters in Geography from University of Calcutta, former Senior Research Fellow, UGC, PhD on Physical and Socioeconomic changes in the Indian Sundarban is presently working as Assistant Professor of Geography, Dr Kanailal Bhattacharyya College, Howrah.She has participated in many national and international seminars and has 12 papers and 10 book chapters to her credit.Her areas of interest include Fluvial Geomorphology, river in equilibrium and human environment relationship.   ...Read more

20 Jul 2026

Floods don't begin in the clouds. They begin in the way we shape our cities.    By Tiyasha Ghosh    Can we keep blaming just the rain for floods? Or are our cities part of the problem even today? The monsoon arrives with hope, every year.Water for our reservoirs, life for our farms, and relief from the heat.However, every year, it leaves behind waterlogged streets, damaged infrastructure, destroyed homes and many lost lives. Two places, two disasters: Mumbai drowned, Wayanad collapsed! One is a city of skyscrapers and the other is a quiet forested district. Different locations but identical warning! The sky changed faster than the concrete below it. Our infrastructure was designed for a climate that no longer exists. We used old rainfall recording system and assumed stability. Today, climate change delivers heavier rain with no warning, everything at once.  Rain is arriving faster than we can handle. Cloudbursts are turning mountains into landslide zones. The question isn’t “how much rain this season?” But the question isn’t “how much?” It’s “how fast?” - and can our land and roads survive it? Which leaves us with one question: Whether India’s design standards use up-to-date rainfall data, or continue to rely on old IDF curves that don’t represent today’s climate.According to engineers, many drainage systems were built to handle rainfall expected once in several decades. However, climate records indicate that extreme rainfall events are occurring more frequently. Events once termed "once-in-a-century" storms may be happening much more often now.You can see the impact all over the country. Roads vanish underwater in hours. Drains can’t keep up. Buildings drown even after crores spent on their upgrades. In the hills, the ground itself gives way - mud, rocks and debris crashing into villages below. According to experts, the cause goes beyond rainfall - it points to failures in urban and infrastructure planning. Wetlands that previously stored excess rainwater have been reclaimed for development. Natural drainage channels have been constricted or obstructed. Hillsides have been cut to accommodate roads, hotels and buildings. In many vulnerable regions, declining forest cover has reduced the land’s capacity to absorb water during heavy rainfall. The cost goes far beyond concrete and steel. People lose homes and income. Kids stay out of school. Businesses close. Transport comes to a standstill. Hospitals get overcrowded. These storms are no longer just environmental problems - they hit our economy and society too. Experts argue that India needs to stop treating floods, landslides and waterlogging as separate events. They point to a larger issue like climate change, rapid urbanisation and weak planning coming all together. Unless cities plan for future rainfall instead of past records, every monsoon will bring the same question: Are we preparing for the next storm- or simply recovering from the last one? Heavy Rain       ↓ Wetlands & Lakes       ↓ Natural Streams       ↓ Rivers       ↓ Groundwater Recharge   (Current Situation)   Heavy Rain       ↓ Concrete Roads       ↓ Blocked Drains       ↓ Waterlogging       ↓ Floods & Landslides Natural drainage systems once absorbed excess rainwater. Urbanisation has disrupted these pathways, increasing flood risks The rain hasn't changed. The ground beneath it, has.Like water on concrete instead of a sponge, India's cities can no longer absorb what falls from the sky. Nature once managed the rain. Wetlands, forests, floodplains, and open land worked together to absorb, slow, and store water. Today, many of these natural safeguards have disappeared. Wetlands are disappearing beneath housing projects. Floodplains are turning into commercial hubs. Hillsides are being cut for development. And across India's cities, concrete has replaced the open ground that once soaked up rain. With heavy downpour, water becomes stagnant with no outlet for respite. It keeps flowing until it floods roads, homes, and entire neighbourhoods. Floods today are shaped as much by land use as by rainfall, experts say. Here's why. How do engineers decide how big a drain should be? They use Intensity-Duration-Frequency (IDF) curves, which estimate how much rain can fall, how quickly it may arrive, and how often such events are expected. The problem? A lot of these rules were made using old rainfall data. But climate change has changed those patterns. Cloudbursts have grown more frequent and short-duration rainfall has become more intense. For example, 100 millimetres of rain that previously fell for an entire day can now occur within two to three hours. Drainage systems have not evolved in line with changing rainfall conditions. Many continue to operate based on historical rainfall patterns that are no longer valid. Experts say India can no longer rely on yesterday's rainfall patterns. Infrastructure must be designed using today's climate realities. The challenge is even greater in the hills. Unlike cities, where water usually causes flooding, mountain regions face another danger- landslides. Cutting down forests and carving slopes for roads or buildings loosens up the soil. When heavy and long rainfall persists, water soaks in, weakens the slope, and everything collapses. The Wayanad landslide was a painful reminder: when heavy rain hits fragile hills and if we ignore the risks, it can turn deadly.Scientists say this is why climate adaptation can no longer remain separated from urban or infrastructure planning. Every new road, bridge, housing project, and drainage system must answer one question: Is it built for tomorrow's rainfall? ParameterEarlier ClimateCurrent ClimateRainfall PatternSpread over longer periodsIntense rainfall in short burstsDrainage DesignBased on historical rainfallFrequently exceededWetlandsLarger natural storageRapidly shrinkingFlood FrequencyLess frequentIncreasingClimate RiskModerateHigh Rain may trigger the disaster. But building for yesterday's climate could make it inevitable. Experts say India must rethink how it builds its cities. Instead of forcing water to adapt to development, development must adapt to water. And that begins with something many places have lost, i.e., space. Protecting floodplains, wetlands, hills, and stormwater channels isn't just about conserving nature- it's about protecting people. Because when nature's defenses disappear, concrete isn't enough. Experts say cities can't plan for tomorrow using yesterday's flood maps. Updated rainfall data should guide every development decision, and flood-prone areas must be identified before new roads, housing projects, or commercial complexes that are built. Experts also say IDF curves should be updated regularly so drainage systems are built for today's climate- not yesterday's. Technology can also make a huge difference. Floods can't always be prevented. But with accurate forecasts and real-time monitoring, their impact can be reduced through timely warnings and faster action. But technology alone is not enough; good governance is equally important. Experts say flood management shouldn't begin when the rain starts- it should begin long before. Drains need to be cleared before the monsoon, natural waterways kept free of invasions, and construction in high-risk areas are strictly regulated. Most importantly, agencies must work together before the disaster strikes. Communities also play a crucial role. Communities hold critical, lived knowledge like which streets flood first, which drains fail annually, and which areas remain mostly exposed. When local knowledge becomes part of disaster planning, warnings arrive sooner and responses become more effective. Small actions can also create a big impact. Keeping drains free of plastic waste, protecting neighbourhood ponds, planting trees, avoiding construction on natural drainage channels and following official weather advisories all help reduce flood risks. The lesson extends beyond Mumbai or Wayanad. Urban growth and climate change are colliding. One is covering the ground with concrete, the other is bringing heavier rain. What we build today will shape tomorrow's disasters. India has a choice: keep rebuilding after every disaster- or start preventing the next one. Or we can act now by investing in smarter planning, stronger natural defences, modern infrastructure and cities built for a changing climate. Because resilience is not built during an emergency. It is built way before the first raindrop falls. The cost of preparing may be high but the cost of not preparing will be higher. Mumbai and Wayanad were more than disasters - they were warnings. AspectMumbaiWayanadMain HazardUrban FloodingLandslidesPrimary CauseBlocked drainage & urbanisationFragile slopes & intense rainfallNatural Buffer LostWetlands & mangrovesForest coverMain ImpactWaterlogging & transport disruptionLoss of lives & infrastructure For decades, India has responded after the damage has been done. But experts say rebuilding after every flood and landslide is no longer enough in a climate where extreme weather is becoming the new normal. The focus must shift now from disaster response to disaster prevention. The solution begins with working alongside nature - protecting wetlands, restoring rivers, safeguarding forests, and modernizing drainage standards. It also means planning every new project around future rainfall, not outdated climate records. Climate resilience begins with collective action.Governments, businesses, planners, engineers, and citizens all have a major role to play. Because every protected wetland, every clear drain, and every preserved green space make a city stronger when the next storm arrives. The cost of acting may seem high today but the cost of doing nothing is higher. Every flooded street, every collapsed hillside, and every displaced family carry the same message: preparing before disaster is less costly than rebuilding after. Nature has always played by its own rules. Water will always find its way. Rivers will always seek their floodplains. Hills will always become unstable when forests disappear and slopes are pushed beyond their limits. The real choice is whether we build with nature- or keep building against it. Resilience isn't about rebuilding faster. It's about ensuring there's less to rebuild. As India enters a warmer and more uncertain future, every road, bridge, neighbourhood, and city will reflect the choices we make today. Because tomorrow's resilience is being built long before the next storm arrives. DOCUMENT & DATA STACK  DocumentPurposeIndia Meteorological Department (IMD) Rainfall DataCompare historical and current rainfall intensity.National Disaster Management Authority (NDMA) – Urban Flooding GuidelinesIndia's official recommendations for urban flood management.Geological Survey of India (GSI) – National Landslide Susceptibility MappingExplains why regions like Wayanad remain highly landslide-prone.IPCC Sixth Assessment Report (AR6)Scientific evidence linking climate change to increasing extreme rainfall events.Ministry of Housing & Urban Affairs (MoHUA)Urban drainage and climate-resilient infrastructure guidelines.Central Water Commission (CWC)Flood monitoring and drainage management data.ISRO National Wetland InventoryWetland loss and land-use changes across Indian cities. Key Data Points: TopicData/ObservationRainfall PatternIndia is witnessing more frequent short-duration, high-intensity rainfall events due to climate change.Urban FloodingExisting stormwater drains in many cities were designed using historical rainfall data that no longer reflects today's climate.WayanadHighly vulnerable due to steep slopes, fragile geology and extreme monsoon rainfall.WetlandsShrinking wetlands and encroached floodplains reduce natural flood storage capacity.Climate AdaptationExperts recommend updating Intensity-Duration-Frequency (IDF) curves using present-day climate observations.   ProblemSolutionUrban FloodingRestore wetlandsWaterloggingPermeable pavementsLandslidesAfforestation & slope stabilisationDrain OverflowRegular desilting & drain maintenanceClimate RiskClimate-resilient urban planning   Sources:India Meteorological Department (IMD) National Disaster Management Authority (NDMA) Geological Survey of India (GSI) Central Water Commission (CWC) Ministry of Housing & Urban Affairs (MoHUA) Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC AR6) ISRO National Wetland Inventory The Times of India (base report) ...Read more

17 Jul 2026

The floods exposed more than clogged drains. They revealed a city struggling to keep pace with a changing climate   By Tiyasha Ghosh   Kolkata | July 17, 2026:   Rain isn’t new to Mumbai. So why is the city still caught off guard? Why does it take just a few hours for roads to become rivers? And if we face this every year, why are we still asking the same questions? Because intense rainfall between June 30 and July 6 brought large parts of Mumbai to a standstill and these questions returned once again!Roads were submerged, train services were disrupted, flights were delayed, and thousands of people found themselves stranded as water quickly flooded homes, markets, and streets. Roads were underwater, trains were hit, flights were delayed, and thousands were stranded as water rushed into homes, markets and streets. But this isn’t just about another rainy week! Experts say it’s not just about how much it rains anymore. What matters is how quickly it falls, where it falls, and if the city can cope or not. In many areas, the intensity of rainfall has outpaced what old drainage systems were built for. Mumbai's drainage system was built decades ago based on rainfall patterns that has changed significantly over time. Today, short but extremely heavy cloudbursts dump large volumes of water within hours, overwhelming stormwater drains before they can carry the water away. At the same time, rapid urbanisation has worsened this issue. The wetlands that soaked up rainwater have vanished. Concrete buildings, roads and parking areas have replaced open land. Instead of draining into the soil, rain now flows over hard surfaces and quickly floods low-lying neighbourhoods. Experts additionally identify solid waste as an escalating concern. We dump plastic, construction waste and household trash into drains all year. So, when the monsoon arrives, the clogged drains don’t just carry water away - they spill it right into people’s houses.  The ordinary people suffer the most. Transport shutdown means lost wages for daily workers, missed classes for students, and hours of closure for small businesses. People in informal settlements suffer the most - floodwater gets into houses, damages property, and spreads water-borne illnesses. According to urban planners, Mumbai should shift from tracking only daily rain to measuring rainfall intensity. New drainage systems must be designed for extreme downpours instead of outdated estimates. Experts also say cities should regularly check if drainage capacity matches actual rainfall intensity. These checks can identify problems before the monsoon, not after the roads have already been flooded. Residents and infrastructure experts say that bigger drains alone won’t solve flooding. We also need to restore wetlands, protect rivers and mangroves, improve waste management, add more permeable surfaces, and strengthen disaster planning at the grassroots level. Small steps by residents can make a huge difference. Clearing litter from drains, reporting blockages, avoiding construction debris dumping, and obeying flood advisories will help cut down local flooding. Mumbai just got another wake-up call - climate change means heavier rain. The good news? Not every flood is destiny. Plan better, build stronger, develop smarter, and we can take the hit out of the next storm. We know the rain will come back, hard .The only thing left to ask is: will Mumbai be ready this time? Source:  The Economic Times (9 July 2026)India Meteorological Department (IMD)Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC). ...Read more

17 Jul 2026

Massive investments promise clean power, jobs and growth. But can development keep up with nature?   By Tiyasha Ghosh   Kolkata | July 17, 2026:   Can one state reshape India’s sustainable energy roadmap? Can thousands of crores drive both growth and environmental protection? And can the Northeast emerge as India’s next green powerhouse? These questions sit at the heart of Assam’s ₹77,000-crore power investment plan - one of the largest clean energy initiatives announced by any Indian state. From hydropower and solar to batteries, transmission, and conventional plants - the investment is built to turn the Northeast into a powerhouse for India’s energy transition. The moment couldn’t be more critical. India's electricity demand is rising every year.EVs are on the rise. Data centres are booming. ACs are now a household need. With industries growing and cities consuming more, electricity demand has never been higher.  Balancing increasing electricity demand with the goal of coal reduction represents one of India’s most pressing challenges. Assam aims to be a key part of the answer. The proposed projects are designed to boost clean power generation, reinforce the national grid, and enhance energy security.New power highways will carry electricity from the Northeast to the rest of the country. Battery projects will save clean energy now so we can use it when demand spikes.Together, this is about steadier power today and a cleaner future tomorrow.   This goes beyond just funding and megawatts.   The central challenge is ensuring that rapid development does not compromise the unique ecological assets of the Northeast. Hydropower projects typically need dams, and transmission lines often run through forests and ecologically fragile zones. Assam and its neighbouring states have rich biodiversity, large river systems, and wildlife habitats that sustain both nature and local communities.  Environmental experts and civil society groups are therefore urging thorough ecological studies before proceeding with major projects. According to them, protecting forests, rivers, and biodiversity is as important as growing renewable energy. Another key question is whether these investments will actually benefit local communities. While construction brings short-term employment, experts argue that real success requires local industry, a skilled workforce, and sustainable jobs for people throughout the region.If local businesses, engineers, and workers are included in the clean energy supply chain, Assam’s investment could fuel economic growth for decades. According to experts, successful implementation is key to whether the investment works or not.Speeding up approvals isn’t enough. We also need strong transmission networks, modern battery storage, efficient project management, and clear environmental safeguards to work together.Without these basics in place, even big investments could fall short of providing reliable electricity. For ordinary citizens, the outcome matters more than any investment figure. A stronger electricity network can reduce power cuts, improve access to clean energy, create employment and support new industries. Stronger infrastructure may draw business investment to the Northeast and expand economic opportunities there. With India moving faster toward clean energy, Assam is now at a key turning point.This isn’t just about electricity. The ₹77,000-crore bet is on whether clean energy and growth can go hand-in-hand with responsibility.   If we get the balance right, Assam could do much more than power the Northeast - it could help drive India towards a greener and sustainable future!          Source:  The Times of India (10 July 2026) Ministry of New and Renewable Energy (MNRE); Ministry of Power, Government of India. ...Read more